A Strong Statement Against Ongoing Atrocities Targeting Oromo Communities in Western Oromia
By Oromian News Agency
(ONA, August 23, 2026) The Gamtaa Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromoo (GQDO) —also known as the Oromo Youth (Qeerroo) Union (OYQU) —issued a powerful and urgent statement demanding immediate action to protect civilians in Oromia. The union has labeled the Fano Ximdoo group as a terrorist organization, holding it responsible for a series of escalating attacks against innocent Oromo communities, particularly in the East and Horro Guduru Wallagga zones.
The GQDO’s statement serves as a stark warning: “Attacks targeting civilians, the looting and destruction of property, and the use of force to spread fear are acts of terrorism” . The union declared that the Fano Ximdoo group is “unequivocally a terrorist group” and called on the federal and regional governments to take decisive legal action to dismantle it and bring its perpetrators to justice.
The Escalating Crisis in Wallagga
The statement points to a disturbing pattern of violence. According to the GQDO, Fano Ximdoo and allied armed groups have been systematically targeting civilians in the East Wallagga and Horro Guduru Wallagga zones. The union highlighted the massacre of innocent civilians on August 19, 2026, in the Gida Ayana district, specifically in areas like Angar Guttee, Kiramu, and Ebantu. The attacks involved “the killing of civilians, the looting and burning of businesses and other property, the looting of banks and other civilian institutions, and the targeting of bank employees and officials, some of whom were killed” .
This is not an isolated incident but part of a broader, ongoing campaign of terror. The GQDO noted that “similar attacks have been repeatedly committed against our people in these areas, and they continue to occur” . The attacks are designed to “spread fear and chaos within society” and are “unacceptable and cannot be ignored” .
A Terrorist Structure with Foreign Ties
The GQDO’s statement goes further, claiming that Fano Ximdoo is not a spontaneous or localized militia but part of an organized network with significant foreign backing. They point to reports of a meeting in Port Sudan in June 2026, where the group allegedly coordinated with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and other armed factions to expand its operations, particularly in western Oromia.
The GQDO also accused Eritrea, Sudan, and Egypt of involvement, alleging that these nations are “playing a facilitating role” in the group’s operations and “cooperating with the group.” The union argued that such foreign involvement is a “violation of Ethiopia’s sovereignty” and poses a serious threat to its stability .
A Call to Action: Protect Civilians and Deliver Justice
The GQDO’s message is unequivocal: the federal and regional governments must act now. They have demanded that the government “should give special attention to the issue of Fano Ximdoo and groups affiliated with it to provide protection to the people in the affected regions” . The union has also called for the government to “take legal steps to bring those responsible for these crimes to justice.”
The group emphasized that “civilians who are being harmed must not be forgotten” and that all Ethiopian institutions must “work to bring peace and security to the Oromo people” . In a powerful declaration, the union stated: “We will stand with our people who are being harmed. We will not be deterred by anyone.”
Key Demands of the GQDO:
Immediate Protection: Provide immediate security and protection to civilians in the affected zones, especially in East Wallagga and Horro Guduru Wallagga.
Justice and Accountability: Identify and bring all perpetrators of the attacks to justice in accordance with Ethiopian law.
Designate as Terrorist: Officially designate Fano Ximdoo and its affiliates as a terrorist organization under Ethiopian law.
Investigate Foreign Links: Investigate and hold accountable all foreign actors and networks supporting these groups.
Community Support: Provide urgent humanitarian and psychological support to affected families and communities.
Stop Media Propaganda: Condemn media outlets and social media users who glorify these acts of terrorism or spread propaganda that fuels the violence.
Conclusion: A People Will Not Be Silenced
The GQDO’s statement is a testament to the resilience and determination of the Oromo people in the face of brutality. It is a demand for justice, a call for protection, and a refusal to accept the normalization of violence against civilians.
As the union declared: “Attacking civilians is terrorism.” The Oromo Youth Union has drawn a clear line in the sand, warning that “the lives of innocent civilians who are being killed must be protected, and the perpetrators of these crimes must face justice.”
The message from the Qeerroo is clear: the violence must stop, and those responsible will be held accountable.
Seenaan Oromoo Gullallee akkuma seenaa Oromoota kaanii nama gaddisiisa, nama boochisa, haaridhaan ilkaan nama ciniinnachiisee, xiiqii garaa nama kaayee, booree baafachuuf, jechuun biyya ofii deebisanii harkatti galfachuuf nama kakkaasa. Kanaafuu, nama boochisas nama boonsisasi!
Raasaa kana (jidduu kana) namoonni keenya tokko tokko waayee dhuma kanaa irratti yaada ciccimaa fi barreeffama (material) kana irratti argatan nuu dabarsaniiti jiru. Keessumaayyuu barreeffamni karaa Dr. Makuraa Bulchaa argame gammachiisaa dha. Waraqata isaa kana otoo namoonni yeroo qaban gara afaan Oromootti hiikanii, akkuma inni jedhe karaa beektaniin warra biyyaatii ergamee hedduu gaarii dha. Har’a ijoolleen Oromoo kan miliyoonaan lakkaawamantu dheebuu barreeffatoota afaan keenyaan bayanii qabu.
Gabaasa Seenaa
Amma ennaa warraaqaa jiran kana immoo kan akkanaa, kan namni oggaa warri Minilik biyya keenya gubu, nama keenya gorra’u, dachee barbadeessee loonillee gadoochuu wajjin deemee, argee barreesse kana argata! niitoo dubbisan baay’ee isaan gargaara.
Waan hundaafuu, akkuma obboleessi keenya kun jedhe, nuti “lamenting” guddifnee jirraa, mee kana dhiifnee karaa biyyaas karaa alaas warraaqnee, uummata keenya isa itti duulamaa jiru maddii ijaajjineetoo, haa sochoonu! Nuti hunduu akka kanaan duraatti qabsoo bilisummaa saba keenyaa adeemsisuu akka hin dandeenye, daran beekuu qabna.
Addunyaa geeddaramte tana keessatti nutis geeddaramuu qabna. Akkuma Dr. Asaffaa Jaalataa sirriitti kaaye, “the politics of common sense”-n bilisummaa keenya gonfachuu hin dandeenyu. Dammaqiinsa sabaa, Oromummaa, kan ammaa caala gabbifnee, tokkummaa ijaarsota keenya isa bu’ureeffame (ULFO) sirriitti cimsineetoo, qabsoo sirriitti ijaaramee qindeeffame adeemsisuun dirqama. Dirqama kana tahu waan karaan biraa hin jirreefi.
Hunduu akkanumatti harqoota koloneeffattootaa caccabsee of irraa darbate. Nutis harqoota kononeeffattoota Abas haa akkanumtti hurreessinee darbachuu qabna. Yoo akka kanaa olitti ibsame goone qofa, jara meeshaa waraanaa isa ammayyaa hidhatee nuttu duule, hammas ittuma fufee nutti duulaa jiru kana, kan of irraa faccisuu dandeenyu.
Shaggar-Finfinnee fi Oromoon Naannoo Isaa
Seenaan Shaggar-Finfinnee seenaa Oromoota isa marsanii jiran, keessumaayyuu seenaa Oromoo Gullallee wajjin walqabata. Oromoonni Shaggar marsanii jiran: Gullallee, Eekkaa, Galaan, Sulutaa fi Meettaa Aabbuu ti. Kana keessa Gullallee fi Eekkaan Shaggar keessas jiraatuyyu, jechuun akka biyya lammiin tokko irra jiruutti. Hammas isaan lafa irraa duguuganee fuxuun, koloneeffattoota keenyyaa hin taane, akka gurmee fi namtokkeettis Shaggar keessa ni jiraatu.
Dabaleesoo, kan buqqa’us kan bakka isaa buqqa’ee qubatus uummatuma tokko. Keenya garuu, kan buqqa’u ganda Oromoo ti; kan dhufee achi qubatu warra Abashaa ti. Gandi Oromoo tokko oggaa buqqa’u, aadaa fi seenaa Oromootu wajjin buqqa’a.
Silaa Shaggar dalgamalee, ol hin ijaaramu, manni dhoqqee Buraayyuu irraa kaasee Aqaaqii Basaqaa gayee jira. Kun immoo baatii baatiin Oromoo naannoo kanaa irratti raawwatamaa jira. Gullalleen fi Eekkaan buqqifama durattii irraa hafee, kunoo amma ijuma keenya duratti buqqifamaa jira. Kanas Oromoonni kun tole jedhanii hin fudhanne. Gara waggaa torbaatii kaasee ofi irraa faccisaati jiru. Ammoo kan isaan dhagawu, kan isanii birmatu, kan waayee kanaa illee addunyaa dhageessiseef hin jiru.
Uummanni kun waldaa gandaatiin ijaaramee, yaa’ii ofii irratti murtii dabarsee, mana marii Shaggar dura dhaabatee jira. Garuu, manni marii Shaggar kunis foolisii itti duulchisee isaan buqqiseeti jira. Kuni Oromoota Naannoo Buraayyuu (Gullallee), naannoo Garjii (Eekkaa), naannoo Boolee fi Laaftoo (Gullallee!) fa irratti raawwatamee jira. Ammallee ittima fufeetoo jira.
Kun cufti yommuu tahu, warri OPDO isaan hin gargaarre. Ilaa gandeen kun kan turan gariin hammas kan jiran “Bulchiinsa Shaggar” jala otoo hin tayin, Oromiyaa jala. Oromiyaan warra OPDO immoo, Oromiyaa uummata ofiitii dhaabattu otoo hin taane, Oromiyaa kophee koloneeffattootaa fi maxxantoota isaanii jala jirtuu ti.
Warri Amaaraa Shaggar yeroo duraa karaa mara hammaa kiilomeetira 50-tti babaldhisuuf, kan karoora baafatan jabana Darguu ti. Karaa hundaa kiilomeetira 50 jechuun: karaa Salaalee magaalaa Caancoo fi Sulultaa dabree hamma laga Dubar-itti, karaa Amboo hamma Ijeree (“Addis Alam”)-tti, karaa Walisoo hamma Tajiitti, karaa Sooddooo hamma Malkaa Qunxureetti, karaa Adaamaa hamma Bishooftuutti, karaa Abbichuu hamma Bakeetti.
Kuni sagantaa isanii isa duraati malee, booda babaldhisani “mootummaa naannoo Addis Ababa” jedhaniitoo, Shaggar-Finfinnee biyya Amaaraa isa Manjee (Manz) wajjin walqabsiisuufi. Ammaa egaa, oftuultonni Amaaraa isa bara Darguu galmee keessaa baasanii Wayyaaneetti kennaa jiru. Mallasis warra Amaaraa ofitti harkisuuf, dabalees fedhii warra isaatii eeguuf, kana haaromsee itti ka’e.
Ka’iisa Oromoo Gullallee Bara 1878
Oromoon Gullallee bara dheeraa waraanaa mootummaa Abashaa of irraa faccisaa ture. Isa xixxiqaa yoo dhiifne yeroo lama, waraana isatti duule of irraa deebisee jira. Ammoo dubbiin meeshaa waraanaa isa ammayyaa irratti kan hundaaye, waan tayeef, waraana isa sadaffaa irratti moyame.
Sana dura Goobana Daccee Minilik wajjin dhaabatee, erga Oromoo Abbichuu, Jirruu fi Galaan faa cabse, Oromoota Tuulamaa fi Maccaatti jaarsa ergee, akka Minilik dura hin dhaabanne gochuuf yaale. Kan inni jedhus: nuti fi warri Sidaamaa bara dheeraa wallollee, wal-madeessinee jirra. Isaan amma qawwee argatanii nuti garuu, homaa of harkaa hin qabnu. Nutumtuu gosa gosaan wallolaa jirra.
Kanaa mannaa koottaa nuti tokkummaa Oromoo dhaabaneeti, isaan wajjinis nagaan fi walqixxummaan jiraannaa! Ammoo durreewwan Oromoo baay’een tokkummaa Oromoo inni kaase, yoo jaalatan illee isa Amaara wajjin taana jedhu hin jaalanne. Isas amanuu hin dandeenye. Booda Oromoonni “yoo tokkummaa Oromoo feete kophaa kee koottu! Diina harkiftee nutti hin dhufini. Yoo isaan wajjin dhuftee, isaan jala nu galchuu barbaadde, nuti si dura dhaabanna.”, jedhaniini.
Innis gorsa isaanii hin dhageenye; isaanis dhaamsa isaa hin fudhanne. Warri Minilik in dhufu, Oromoon immoo of irraa deebisa. Kuni waggaa baay’ee fudhate. Minilik inni Oromoo Abbichuu bara 1868 keessa qabate, Oromiyaa guutuu qabachuuf waggaa 31 irraa fudhate. Kunis inni dhumaa Oromoo Booranaa isa bara 1899 qabatame.
Waraanni Minilik inni yeroo lama Oromoo Gullalleetin moyame, isa sadaffaa irratti akkaan hidhatee itti dhufe. Gullalleen waraanaa dhufaa jiru dhageyee, yaa’ii waame. Yaa’iin kun waltajjii Shaggar bakka yaa’iin isaanii durattumaa itti tahu, Tulluu Daalattii irratti. Bakki kun iddoo booda Minilik masaraa itti ijaarratee, “masaraa guddicha” jedhen, bakka amma Mallas Zenaa jiraatu. Yaa’iin seena-qabeessi kun guyyaa guutuu walmariyachaa oolee, booda sagalee tokkoon waraarana Minilik dura dhaabachuuf murtee dabarse. Murtee yaa’ii kanaa E. Cerulli: The folk-Literature of the Galla of Southern Abssinia: Cambridge, 1922, keessatti barreeffamee jira.
A Crisis of Violence, Displacement, and Broken Peace Efforts
By Our Senior Correspondent
The Oromia region, Ethiopia’s most populous state and the heartland of the Oromo people, continues to be ravaged by a protracted and brutal conflict between the federal government and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). Since the group split from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 2018 and took up arms, the region has been mired in a cycle of violence that shows no signs of abating .
What began as an insurgency has evolved into a complex security crisis characterized by widespread human rights abuses, mass displacement, and failed peace initiatives. As the conflict grinds on, civilians are bearing the heaviest burden, caught between government forces and an increasingly emboldened rebel army.
The Human Cost: Atrocities on Both Sides
The conflict in Oromia has been marked by shocking violence against civilians. According to a 2026 Amnesty International report, both the OLA and government forces have been implicated in grave human rights violations . The report documented multiple instances of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), including gang rape and sexual slavery, perpetrated against women and girls in Oromia .
In one documented case, a 12-year-old survivor described being raped twice daily for an extended period . Another survivor recounted being subjected to sexual abuse for three weeks alongside her child . The report highlighted that women with family members in government forces were explicitly targeted as reprisals by OLA fighters, with attacks lasting days or even weeks carried out by armed actors in rotation .
Amnesty International concluded that these “repeated abuses are not only horrific but may amount to war crimes” .
The Casualty Count: A Toll on Civilians
The violence has also resulted in significant civilian casualties. In June 2026, attacks in the Arsi Zone, specifically in the Aseko area, left dozens of civilians dead . A medical worker reported counting 56 dead and 50 wounded from attacks on multiple localities between May 31 and June 3 . Witnesses described OLA militants “using their rifles to hunt and kill residents” .
The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) linked the OLA to deadly attacks in East Arsi Zone, which resulted in civilian deaths, large-scale displacement, and widespread destruction of property, including the burning of a church and damage to a mosque . However, the OLA has consistently denied involvement, accusing authorities of orchestrating communal tensions and attempting to shift responsibility for the violence .
Failed Peace Efforts
Despite multiple attempts to resolve the conflict through dialogue, peace remains elusive. In April 2026, talks between the government and the OLA in Dar es Salaam ended without agreement . Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s national security adviser attributed the failure to “the obstructive approach and unrealistic demands of the other party” . The OLA, in turn, accused the government of being “only interested in co-optation of the leadership of the OLA rather than beginning to address the fundamental problems” underlying Ethiopia’s security and political challenges .
The breakdown of talks has perpetuated the cycle of violence, with both sides accusing each other of bad faith. The OLA had expressed its determination to achieve a “peaceful political settlement,” but the gap between the two parties has proven unbridgeable .
The Fragmented Peace: Surrenders and Splits
The government has pursued a dual-track approach: encouraging fighters to lay down arms while continuing military operations against those who reject peace calls . In December 2024, the Oromia regional government signed a peace agreement with a faction that split from the OLA, led by former central zone commander Yadessa Negassa . More than 800 fighters reportedly surrendered, and several former OLA figures were appointed to senior government positions .
However, the main OLA faction, led by Kumsa Diriba (also known as Jaal Maroo), dismissed the signatories as individuals who had been expelled months earlier over disciplinary issues . The OLA has continued to attack those who surrendered, with the Oromia Peace and Security Bureau alleging that the group targets former fighters who have returned to civilian life .
Expanding Conflict: Coordination with Other Armed Groups
The security situation in Oromia has been further complicated by reports of coordination between the OLA and other armed groups. In June 2026, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) claimed that the OLA and Fano fighters coordinated an attempted attack in East Wollega Zone . While the ENDF said the “operation was completely foiled,” the claim suggests a growing convergence of anti-government forces .
The OLA’s strength, estimated at a few thousand in 2018, has grown significantly in recent years, though observers believe it remains insufficiently organized to pose a serious threat to the federal government . Nevertheless, the group has carried out multiple deadly attacks, contributing to widespread insecurity and instability .
Conclusion: A Region in Crisis
The conflict between the Ethiopian government and the OLA has exacted a devastating toll on the people of Oromia. Civilians have been subjected to sexual violence, summary killings, torture, and mass displacement . The conflict has also exacerbated ethnic tensions, particularly between Oromos and Amharas, with retaliatory attacks leading to further bloodshed .
Efforts to bring the conflict to an end through peace talks have failed, and the government’s strategy of co-opting splinter factions has done little to weaken the main OLA insurgency. As the violence continues, the humanitarian crisis in Oromia deepens, with millions of children out of school and health facilities damaged or destroyed .
The international community has largely remained silent, but as Amnesty International has noted, “when sexual violence amid conflict is not acknowledged or prosecuted, it enables more violence and abuse” . Without a genuine commitment to addressing the root causes of the conflict—marginalization, political exclusion, and historical grievances—the cycle of violence in Oromia is likely to continue.
This feature article is dedicated to the people of Oromia who continue to suffer the consequences of this devastating conflict.
Residents Report Compulsory Recruitment in Sheger, East Hararghe, and East Bale Zones
By Oromia News Agency
(ONA, Finfinne, 14 August 2026)-As Ethiopia grapples with escalating security tensions across multiple regions, reports have emerged of a resurgence of forced military conscription in various parts of Oromia. Residents from the Sheger City area surrounding Finfinne (Addis Ababa), as well as the East Hararghe and East Bale zones, have described a renewed campaign of compulsory recruitment that is instilling fear and uncertainty in communities already strained by conflict.
According to eyewitness accounts, young men are being taken against their will by security forces, while in some cases, families have been ordered to pay money for their sons’ release from forced military service.
The Recruitment Campaign
Residents from the Sheger City area, which encircles the capital, have reported that military recruiters have been conducting door-to-door operations, rounding up young men without prior notice or consent. In many instances, those taken are not given the opportunity to object or appeal.
“Youths are being loaded onto trucks and taken away without any explanation,” one resident told Oromia News Agency, speaking on condition of anonymity. “They do not ask whether you are willing to serve. They just come and take you.”
In some areas, families have allegedly been given a choice: pay a “release fee” to have their sons returned, or accept that they will be conscripted into military service. The exact amounts being demanded remain unclear, but residents have expressed outrage at the practice, which they describe as extortion.
East Hararghe and East Bale: Expanding Operations
The forced recruitment is not confined to the capital’s periphery. Reports from East Hararghe Zone and East Bale Zone indicate that conscription operations are also underway in these areas. Witnesses have described a similar pattern: security forces arriving in villages, taking young men, and transporting them to undisclosed military training camps.
“The government says it needs soldiers to protect the country,” a local elder from East Hararghe said. “But why are they taking our children by force? Why not give them a choice? We are already suffering from the conflict. This only makes things worse.”
The renewed conscription comes at a time when Ethiopia’s security situation has become increasingly fragile, with multiple regions experiencing violence and instability.
A Nation in Crisis
The resurgence of forced military recruitment is unfolding against a backdrop of deepening security challenges across the country. The crisis is multi-faceted, with several distinct conflicts and tensions converging:
1. Renewed Tensions Between the Federal Government and Tigray (TPLF)
After years of devastating war and a fragile peace agreement, relations between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have once again soured. The two sides have exchanged accusations of violations, and tensions in the northern region are rising. The prospect of renewed conflict has forced the federal government to bolster its military capacity, contributing to the demand for fresh recruits.
2. Ongoing Conflict in the Amhara Region
The Amhara region remains engulfed in an armed confrontation between federal forces and the Fano militia. The conflict, rooted in disputes over territorial control, political representation, and the federal structure, has led to widespread displacement and human rights concerns. The continued fighting has drained military resources, further driving the need for personnel.
3. Instability in the Benishangul-Gumuz Region
The Benishangul-Gumuz region continues to experience instability, with armed groups and ethnic tensions threatening the safety of local populations. The region’s proximity to the Ethiopian-Sudanese border and its strategic importance have made it a focal point of military operations.
4. The Unrelenting OLA Conflict
The conflict between the federal government and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) continues unabated. In June 2026, attacks in the Arsi Zone, specifically in the Aseko area, left dozens of civilians dead. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) linked the OLA to the attacks, reporting civilian deaths, displacement, the burning of a church, and damage to a mosque. The OLA has consistently denied involvement, accusing authorities of orchestrating communal tensions and attempting to shift responsibility for the violence
Experts Warn of Long-Term Consequences
Analysts and security experts who spoke to Oromia News Agency have expressed deep concern over the resurgence of forced conscription. They argue that compelling young people to fight, especially against their will, is not only a violation of fundamental human rights but also a strategy that is unlikely to succeed.
“Forcing young people into war is a sign of desperation, not strength,” said one analyst. “When soldiers are unwilling, they are less effective, less disciplined, and more likely to desert. This approach will not resolve Ethiopia’s security challenges—it will only deepen the trauma and resentment felt by communities.”
Experts also warn that forced conscription in Oromia could exacerbate the already tense relationship between the federal government and the Oromo people. Many Oromos view the Ethiopian state with suspicion, seeing its military operations as instruments of oppression rather than protection. Compulsory recruitment is likely to reinforce that perception and fuel further resistance.
A Call for Alternatives
While acknowledging the need for national defense, civil society groups and human rights advocates have called for a more transparent and voluntary approach to military recruitment. They argue that the state should invest in professionalizing the military, improving pay and conditions, and offering incentives for voluntary service.
“Force is not the answer,” said a human rights advocate. “The government should engage communities, build trust, and create opportunities for young people to serve their country voluntarily. Forcing them into uniform only creates more enemies than it creates soldiers.”
The Human Cost
Behind the political and strategic calculations are real human stories. Families across Oromia are living in fear—fear of losing their sons to a war they do not understand, fear of being forced to pay bribes to secure their children’s release, and fear of the long-term consequences of being associated with the military.
One mother from the Sheger area described her anguish: “My son is 19 years old. He was taken last week. We have not heard from him since. We do not know where he is or if he is alive. They told us to pay money, but we do not have it. What are we supposed to do?”
Conclusion: A Dangerous Path
The resurgence of forced military conscription in Oromia is a troubling development that reflects the deepening crisis facing Ethiopia. As the country navigates a complex web of conflicts, the temptation to resort to coercive measures is understandable but dangerous.
For Ethiopia’s young people—and for the nation’s future—the path of forced recruitment is a dead end. It undermines the legitimacy of the state, deepens communal grievances, and fails to build the cohesive and motivated military force needed to secure the country’s long-term peace.
The government must listen to the voices of the affected communities and pursue alternatives that respect human dignity and build trust. Without such a shift, the cycle of conflict and suffering is likely to continue.
How Active, Adaptive, and Agenda-Setting Engagement Is Reshaping Ethiopia’s Global Standing
By Oromia News Agency
In a world of rapid geopolitical shifts and emerging multipolar dynamics, Ethiopia is charting a bold and distinctive foreign policy course. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) has outlined a clear vision for the nation’s international engagement, anchored in what can be described as four fundamental pillars of Medemer diplomacy—a philosophy of synergy, collaboration, and proactive engagement .
As Africa’s second most populous nation and host of the African Union headquarters, Ethiopia is leveraging its strategic position to move from being a passive observer of global events to an active agenda-setter on the world stage . The four principles guiding this transformation are Active Diplomacy, Alternative Partnership Networks, Adaptive Diplomacy, and Agenda-Setting Diplomacy.
1. Active Diplomacy: Engagement Over Isolation
The first principle, Active Diplomacy, reflects Ethiopia’s commitment to being a proactive participant in global affairs rather than a bystander. Prime Minister Abiy has emphasized that in an era of rapid international change, Ethiopia cannot afford to remain passive . The nation must instead be an engaged, dynamic, and agenda-setting actor on the world stage.
This active approach draws from the broader “Medemer” philosophy—a concept of synergy and collaboration that has already yielded tangible results, including the Green Legacy Initiative, the Summer Wheat Program, and the expansion of Ethiopian Airlines as a continental connector . By actively participating in international forums and shaping narratives rather than simply responding to them, Ethiopia is positioning itself to defend its interests with clarity and conviction.
2. Alternative Partnership Networks: Diversifying Alliances
The second pillar, Alternative Partnership Networks, represents a strategic shift from over-reliance on traditional partners to building a broader, more resilient web of international relationships. Rather than depending on a limited number of countries, Ethiopia is expanding its diplomatic footprint across diverse regions .
This approach is particularly significant in the context of Ethiopia’s contested neighbourhood. Strained relations with Eritrea, ongoing rivalry with Egypt over the Nile and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), and Ethiopia’s pursuit of Red Sea access have all intensified in recent years . The competing regional interests of the UAE, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Türkiye, combined with a more transactional United States and China’s subtle but persistent influence, have reshaped the environment in which Ethiopia must operate .
By cultivating a diverse network of reliable partners, Ethiopia aims to build friendships that endure through challenges, tensions, and celebrations alike—ensuring it has allies who stand by it in both difficult and prosperous times.
3. Adaptive Diplomacy: Flexibility in a Changing World
The third principle, Adaptive Diplomacy, acknowledges the fluid and ever-evolving nature of international politics. As global power balances shift, new powers emerge, and the rules of engagement evolve, Ethiopia’s foreign policy must remain flexible and responsive .
This adaptive approach rejects rigid adherence to predetermined positions in favour of a pragmatic, context-sensitive engagement that prioritises Ethiopia’s national interests . It reflects a recognition that in a multipolar world, states must constantly adapt their strategies to navigate between competing great-power interests . By remaining flexible, Ethiopia can seize opportunities and mitigate risks as they arise, ensuring its foreign policy remains relevant and effective.
4. Agenda-Setting Diplomacy: From Follower to Leader
The fourth and perhaps most ambitious pillar, Agenda-Setting Diplomacy, positions Ethiopia as a proactive force capable of bringing critical African and global issues to the international table. Instead of merely accepting and executing agendas set by others, Ethiopia aims to shape the conversations that matter to it and to the continent .
This principle was recently articulated by Prime Minister Abiy when he proposed a “4-pillar bricks of unity” for the Africa-Caribbean (AFRICA-CARICOM) relationship—a framework built on agriculture and innovation, collaboration, culture and leadership, and knowledge and health . By putting forward such frameworks, Ethiopia is demonstrating its capacity to lead and its commitment to advancing not only its own interests but also those of the broader African continent.
This shift from agenda-receiver to agenda-creator is arguably the defining feature of Ethiopia’s evolving foreign policy. It represents a confident, assertive nation ready to take its rightful place as a leading voice on the African and global stage.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in Ethiopian Diplomacy
Ethiopia’s foreign policy, guided by the four pillars of Active, Alternative, Adaptive, and Agenda-Setting Diplomacy, reflects a nation in transformation. It is a policy that embraces the complexities of a contested neighbourhood, leverages Ethiopia’s unique position as a regional anchor state, and seeks to build a prosperous future through strategic international engagement .
As Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party prepares for a new governmental term, the commitment to these principles—rooted in the broader philosophy of Medemer—will likely continue to shape Ethiopia’s international relations . In a world of shifting alliances and emerging challenges, Ethiopia is making clear that it intends to be not just a participant in global affairs, but a shaper of them.
Ethiopia Prevails!
Medemer haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those committed to building a prosperous, engaged, and respected Ethiopia on the global stage.
The Unwavering Spirit of General Garasuu Dhukii and the Eternal Struggle for Oromo Liberation
By Daandii Ragabaa
In the annals of Oromo history, few figures embody the spirit of sacrifice and unwavering dedication to the cause of freedom as profoundly as General Garasuu Dhukii. A man forged in the crucible of war, he stood as a pillar of resistance against colonial subjugation, his life intertwined with the struggle for Oromo self-determination.
His story, however, is not merely one of military might, but of a man whose deepest pain was not for his own fate, but for the future of his people and their ancestral capital. His dying wish echoes through the ages, a stark reminder of the burden carried by those who fight for justice.
The Weight of a General’s Resolve
General Garasuu Dhukii was a symbol of Oromo resistance during the fierce battles against the Italian colonial forces. On the frontlines, where the fighting was most brutal, the general found himself trapped in a harrowing situation. He had done all he could, given his all for the cause. As he later confided, the heaviest burden was not the fear of death in battle, but the thought of dying while his homeland remained unfree.
In his final moments, he is remembered for a profound reflection, etched into the memory of those who knew him. He declared, “I have done all that I should do. If I die, it is not my time that grieves me. But what truly grieves me is the thought that Finfinne, the land of my people, will remain unfree.” These were not the words of a coward, but the lament of a leader for whom victory was measured not in personal glory, but in the liberation of his people’s heartland.
This sentiment captures the essence of the Oromo struggle: the fight for Finfinne is not a matter of political maneuvering but a fight for identity, dignity, and historical justice.
Finfinne: The Eternal Heart of the Struggle
Finfinne is not just a city of political and economic power. It is the “eye” of the Oromo people, the axis around which their history and destiny revolve. From the legendary heroes of the past, like General Garasuu Dhukii, to the modern-day Qeerroo youth, Finfinne stands as an unyielding symbol.
The general’s reflections echo a truth that has been carried through the generations: “The eye does not tolerate an obstruction.”
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is that eye, and the struggles of the past have made it clear that its people will never accept a future where they are not masters of their own land. The recent history of resistance in Finfinne is a testament to this unwavering spirit, proving that the fight for liberation is a continuous legacy passed down through generations.
A Legacy That Lives On
The sacrifice of General Garasuu Dhukii is a poignant testament to the resilience of the Oromo nation. He, like countless others, understood that his personal survival was secondary to the collective destiny of his people. His grief, recorded for history, is not just a memory but a call to action, a reminder that the battle for Finfinne’s soul is a long and arduous one that requires the commitment of all.
His death serves as a powerful message to the world and to the Oromo people themselves: that the spirit of resistance, kindled in the hearts of heroes like him, remains alight. The realization that a hero’s greatest regret was not his own mortal end, but the continued subjugation of his homeland, continues to fuel the struggle for Oromo liberation.
Conclusion: A Grief That Inspires
General Garasuu Dhukii gave his life for a cause he believed in, but his legacy lives on in the countless Oromos who continue to demand justice and freedom. His dying words are a profound reflection of the Oromo struggle: a fight not for land alone, but for the very soul of a nation.
The battle for Finfinne continues. But the general’s grief will never be in vain as long as the Oromo people remember his sacrifice and carry the torch of resistance forward.
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