The Gada system is the proud heritage of the Oromo people. It is a system of bravery and discipline, founded on structured laws, principles, and timelines.

For over a century, the succession of Gada assemblies faced suppression and was pushed to the brink of being lost to the harsh pressures of the time. However, because our people held steadfast to their system and culture, it has not only been revived but has also gained worldwide recognition. As is well known, the Gada system is registered by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

The Guji Oromo have played an exceptional role in preserving this system to the present day. For the Guji, Gada is not just for the leaders; the entire community forms the foundation of this system. As evidence, since 1424 [2012 EC], the Guji have recorded every Abbaa Gada who has led them through successive generations, without significant error or omission. In that year, following established tradition, they gathered at Me’ee Bokkoo for the transfer of power (Baallii), establishing laws and conducting various rituals and ceremonies.

In accordance with Oromo law and tradition, the assembly sat continuously at Me’ee Bokkoo for the past seven days. They established and proclaimed the nine articles of “The Wayyooma Waaqaa Lafaa and the Bulii Olii of Sons and Daughters.” This assembly has a father. Its father is Abbaa Gadaa Jiloo Maandhoo. He was the 74th Haaganaa, or General Abbaa Gadaa, of the Guji.

The process for the 75th Baallii transfer has been completed. Abbaa Gadaa Jiloo Maandhoo has concluded his term and received his honor (daraaraa). He was celebrated with the verse:

“Hoo’aa mi’ii gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa itittuu gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa areera gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa daraaraa gadaa tiyyaa”
(Farewell, the council of my Gada; / Farewell, the foundation of my Gada; / Farewell, the legacy of my Gada; / Farewell, the honor of my Gada.)

The Gada power has moved from Gadaa Harmuufa to Gadaa Roobalee. Abbaa Gadaa Jaarsoo Dhugoo has received the Baallii! The former Abbaa Gadaa, Jiloo Maandhoo, has become an elder! The door has been closed! The door is now closed!

This is how the Oromo people have brought the Gada system to this day. As a member of this generation, witnessing the Gada assembly at Me’ee Bokkoo and the peaceful transfer of power for the 75th time filled me with immense joy.

The core mission of our Reformist Government is to restore the Oromo people to their culture and identity. Consequently, we are focusing significant effort on revitalizing it for the benefit of our society. The Gada system is being integrated into the educational curriculum, taught from primary school levels. At the higher education level, we are encouraging research leading to Master’s and PhD degrees.

Furthermore, we are working to re-establish and institutionalize Gada values. By drawing from its philosophy, we have established the Cultural Court of Law to ensure restorative justice. We have institutionalized community service to strengthen social bonds.

To foster mutual support and responsibility, we have re-established the Buusaa Gonofaa system. Going a step further, we are providing nutritious meals to schoolchildren, building a healthy future generation. We are establishing the Gaachana Sirnaa (Security Institutions) to ensure public safety. In the future, these civic institutions will continue to expand their reach and efficiency.

Me’ee Bokkoo is a sacred site. For generations, it has been a center for legislative debate and judicial verdicts. Because it is where the Gada assembly convenes for the transfer of power, it is the parliamentary center for the Guji Oromo. It is a place of respect and cleanliness. This is why the Guji invoke the name of Me’ee Bokkoo when they pray to Waaqaa.

In this spirit, the Oromia Regional Government announces that the ceremony for the 76th Baallii transfer will be preceded by the construction of a grand amphitheater at Me’ee Bokkoo, as a cultural center.

I extend my congratulations—baga geessan—to the Guji people and all Oromo people, for successfully reaching the 75th Gada transfer at Me’ee Bokkoo. My hope and vision for the coming years is that it will be a time when our culture flourishes and our identity is fully restored.

Gadaan quufaa gabbina (The Gada of Quufa is prosperity);
Gadaan Roobalee misa (The Gada of Roobalee is honey).
Horaa Bulaa; Deebanaa! (The Hora of Bulaa shall return!)

President of the Oromia Regional Government

This is a well-framed question that gets to the heart of a complex geopolitical issue. Ethiopia’s push for sea access, while driven by its own economic and historical imperatives, has the potential to create significant problems for the Horn of Africa region.

Here is a breakdown of the potential problems, categorized for clarity:

1. Direct Bilateral Tensions and Conflict

The most immediate risk is the escalation of disputes with neighboring countries.

· With Eritrea: Any assertion of a “right” to sea access is likely to be interpreted by Eritrea as a direct threat to its hard-won sovereignty and its ports of Assab and Massawa. This could:
· Re-ignite the dormant border conflict and military tensions.
· Scupper any chance of normalizing relations, keeping the region in a perpetual state of cold war.
· With Somalia: Any potential deal for port access or a lease in the Somali region (e.g., Somaliland) that bypasses the fragile Federal Government in Mogadishu would:
· Be seen as a violation of Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity.
· Severely undermine the federal government’s authority and fuel nationalist sentiment.
· Potentially destabilize the delicate political balance within Somalia, empowering extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, who could use it as a rallying cry.

2. Regional Destabilization and Shifting Alliances

Ethiopia’s actions could force a realignment of regional alliances, creating new fault lines.

· The Somaliland Precedent: A formal deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland would be a seismic event. It would:
· Effectively recognize Somaliland’s independence, shattering the African Union’s long-standing principle of upholding colonial-era borders (uti possidetis).
· Inflame secessionist tensions across the entire continent, setting a dangerous precedent.
· Force other regional powers (Egypt, UAE, Turkey) to take sides, potentially creating a proxy conflict.
· Red Sea Militarization: The Red Sea is already a strategic chokehold with heavy international naval presence. A desperate or assertive Ethiopian push could lead to:
· An arms build-up along coastlines as neighboring countries seek to secure their assets.
· Increased interest and intervention from non-African powers (e.g., Iran, Turkey, Gulf States) seeking to leverage the dispute for their own strategic advantage.

3. Economic and Trade Disruptions

The Horn of Africa is a critical node for global trade.

· Port Politics and Leverage: Neighboring countries like Djibouti (which hosts a major Ethiopian military base and handles ~95% of its trade) could use Ethiopia’s desperation as leverage.
· They could raise port fees or restrict access during diplomatic spats, holding the Ethiopian economy hostage.
· Disruption of Critical Sea Lanes: Any significant military conflict or sustained political instability in the region risks disrupting traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb strait, a vital passage for global shipping and energy supplies. This would have immediate international economic consequences.

4. Undermining Regional Diplomacy and Norms

Ethiopia’s approach challenges foundational principles of regional cooperation.

· Erosion of IGAD and AU Authority: By pursuing a unilateral, assertive path, Ethiopia undermines the regional bodies (IGAD, African Union) that are meant to mediate such disputes. It signals that might-makes-right is preferable to diplomatic negotiation.
· Breakdown of Trust: For decades, regional cooperation has been built on fragile trust. A forceful Ethiopian campaign to secure a port would shatter that trust, making future collaboration on shared challenges (climate change, terrorism, water management) extremely difficult.

Conclusion

In summary, Ethiopia’s championing of sea access as a national cause is not just a bilateral trade issue; it is a potential regional catalyst. It threatens to:

· Re-open old wounds with Eritrea.
· Dismember a sovereign state in Somalia.
· Shatter a foundational continental norm on border integrity.
· Trigger a new round of arms races and proxy conflicts in the strategically vital Horn of Africa.

While Ethiopia’s economic arguments have merit, the manner in which it pursues this goal will determine whether it becomes a driver of development or a source of profound and lasting regional instability.

Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
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The core argument, as articulated by Sena Jimjimo, founder of OLLAA, is that a lack of internal consensus and a toxic culture of “without me” thinking within Oromo political factions pose a significant danger to Ethiopia.

She contends that this mindset has led to a situation where:

Truth is Sacrificed for Unity: Oromo fighters avoid difficult truths with each other to maintain a superficial unity.

Individual Ambition Over Collective Good: The belief that liberation can only be achieved through a specific leader or group (“without me”) has been destructive.

Resulting Instability: This failure to build a unified, truth-based movement has ultimately made Ethiopia unsafe.

Counter-Response
While Sena Jimjimo raises valid concerns about the dangers of political fragmentation and individual ambition, her analysis risks misdiagnosing the core problem by focusing on a single group.

A more comprehensive perspective would argue that Ethiopia’s instability stems from a systemic failure to build a genuinely inclusive, multi-ethnic state, not from the internal dynamics of one community.

Here is a counter-response:

Subject: Re: Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia

The challenges facing Ethiopia are complex and cannot be attributed to the internal politics of any single group. While introspection within all political movements is necessary, framing the “Oromo” or “Oromo fighters” as the primary danger is a reductive and counterproductive narrative.

The true source of Ethiopia’s instability is the decades-long, systemic failure to establish a political framework where all ethnic groups feel they have a secure and equitable stake in the nation’s future. The “without me” mentality is not an Oromo-specific issue; it is a symptom of a zero-sum political culture that has been fostered by successive central governments. When communities are historically marginalized and their demands for self-determination are met with violence or empty promises, it inevitably breeds factionalism and a desperate struggle for agency.

Furthermore, the call for “unity” must be critically examined. Too often, calls for national unity have been a pretext for suppressing legitimate grievances and enforcing assimilation. The courage to tell “the truth” that Ms. Jimjimo calls for must apply equally to all sides—including acknowledging the historical injustices that have fueled the very divisions she laments.

Therefore, the path to a safe and stable Ethiopia does not lie in singling out one group, but in addressing the foundational issues: building robust institutions that guarantee justice and equality for all, fostering a culture of genuine political compromise, and creating a shared national identity that respects and celebrates Ethiopia’s rich diversity. The solution requires a collective responsibility from all of Ethiopia’s national political forces, not a critique of one.