The Calculated Return: Rebranding Hassan Ali and the Politics of Historical Amnesia
By Koste Abdiisaa (Political Commentary)
Since last week, a familiar yet troubling political theatre has unfolded on our social media feeds. The return of former Oromia president Mr. Hassan Ali has been met not with sober reflection, but with a coordinated campaign of glorification. The volume and tenor of this noise are not organic; they are a political product. And they demand a critical question: Why the aggressive, sudden need to rewrite a man’s past?
Let us be clear: the return of any individual is, in itself, a neutral event. What is not neutral is the systematic attempt to whitewash a deeply problematic political record against the backdrop of profound, ongoing suffering. Mr. Hassan Ali, like millions of Oromos, was once a vocal critic of the very system he later led. Yet, his presidency under the OPDO—the regional arm of the then-ruling EPRDF—was not a period of liberation. It was a chapter in the same grim story of state-sanctioned violence against the Oromo people.
Historical memory cannot be deleted by a hashtag. It was under the governance structure he led that figures like Nadhii Gammadaa, Dararaa Kafanii, and Jireenyaa Adunyaa were executed or forcibly disappeared. It was a system that normalized imprisonment, exile, and death for countless innocent Oromos. To launch a social media campaign that glosses over this reality is not just revisionism; it is an insult to the victims and their families who still seek justice.
Therefore, the fixation on whether he is being praised misses the point. The urgent questions are strategic and forward-looking:
- Why now? Why has the Prosperity Party (PP) and the Shimelis Abdisa administration chosen this precise moment to facilitate and amplify his return? Is it coincidental that this occurs amid escalating political and security crises in Oromia and other regions?
- What is the political calculus? The PP is not a charitable organization. Its every move is tactical. Is Hassan Ali’s return intended as a distraction, a shiny object to divert public attention from state failures? Is it an attempt to create a semblance of “reconciliation” with a discredited faction to split opposition sentiment? Or, more cynically, is it the first move in grooming him as a “reformed” candidate for a future managed election, providing a veneer of Oromo leadership while serving PP’s centralist agenda?
- Who benefits from the noise? The sheer volume of orchestrated praise serves to drown out these very questions. It aims to replace critical analysis with emotional reception, shifting the narrative from accountability to celebrity.
History offers a clear lesson: the political machinery Hassan Ali once served has never acted without cold, strategic intent. Invitations back into the fold are extended not as acts of grace, but as moves on a chessboard.
My apprehension is not personal. It is political. At this stage of his life, one hopes Mr. Hassan Ali would seek a legacy of truth, not convenience. To become a pawn in a strategy designed to legitimize a system that continues to oppress his own people would be to stand, once more, on the wrong side of history.
Ultimately, the Oromo struggle for justice, self-determination, and dignity is larger than any individual. It will not be derailed by a rebranding campaign or short-term political maneuvering by the PP. The people’s quest for accountability is relentless.
However, for the individual, history offers a space for reflection and correction. The most consequential mistakes are often those we repeat. The real test is whether this return is a step toward genuine atonement and independent voice, or whether it is a political trap—for him, and a painkiller for a government under pressure. Only time will reveal the true diagnosis, but we must not let the noise of the moment silence our critical inquiry. The past is prologue, and ignoring its lessons is a luxury the Oromo nation can no longer afford.
Beyond Protest: The AU’s Somaliland Stance and the Chasm Between Principle and Practice
In the intricate chessboard of international diplomacy, the African Union (AU) has made its latest move: a firm rejection of Israel’s recent recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state. This position is predictable, anchored in the bedrock principle of territorial integrity and the sacrosanctity of colonial borders—a cornerstone of the AU’s founding charter designed to maintain continental stability.
But the announcement lands with a thud of hollow irony across a continent long accustomed to the gulf between declared principle and lived reality. It prompts a weary, yet urgent, question: What, in practice, has the African Union actually implemented that holds real power to shape events on the ground?
The AU’s rejection of Somaliland’s recognition is rooted in a familiar doctrine. It echoes the organization’s long-standing stance that the union of Somalia and Somaliland is inviolable. Yet, this position exists in a parallel universe to the factual, on-the-ground existence of Somaliland for over three decades. Hargeisa has its own government, currency, police force, and democratic elections—all while maintaining a stability that eludes Mogadishu. The AU’s protest, therefore, feels less like a governing policy and more like a ritualistic incantation of a map that ceased to reflect political realities a generation ago.
This dissonance is symptomatic of a deeper institutional paralysis. The AU repeatedly and correctly states that “it is impossible to uphold a government changed by force.” This principle condemns military coups and unconstitutional changes of government. Yet, the practice has not stopped in Africa. From the Sahel to Central Africa, putsches and military takeovers have continued with alarming frequency. The AU’s response—typically suspension from the bloc and stern rhetoric—has proven to be a temporary slap on the wrist, not a deterrent. Coup leaders often eventually negotiate their way to legitimacy or remain in power with minimal long-term consequence from the continental body. The principle is clear; the enforceable mechanism to uphold it is conspicuously absent.
Thus, when the AU protests Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, its voice carries limited weight. The protest is, as critics argue, “worthless except for itself.” It serves to reinforce the AU’s own internal dogma and satisfy diplomatic formalities but does little to alter the evolving situation. It does not help Somalia regain control over its northern territories, nor does it force Somaliland to abandon its quest for recognition. It simply registers a diplomatic complaint that major powers and regional actors may increasingly choose to ignore, as they engage with Somaliland on practical issues of security, trade, and development.
The danger here is not just ineffectiveness, but irrelevance. As global powers and regional neighbors begin to engage Somaliland based on de facto realities rather than de jure fictions, the AU risks becoming a spectator to its own continental affairs. Its protests, unsupported by credible political or economic leverage, become background noise.
The lesson from this episode is stark: the African Union’s authority cannot rest on proclamation alone. It must be built on a capacity for proactive engagement, conflict resolution, and the creation of pathways that address legitimate political aspirations within a framework of continental peace. Endlessly defending a status quo that has already fractured, while being unable to uphold its own rules against power grabs, erodes its credibility.
Until the AU bridges the chasm between its noble principles and its tangible power to enact them, its rejections and condemnations will remain just that—words on paper, echoing in halls far removed from the dynamic, complex, and often defiant realities of the African continent. The challenge is not merely to protest a change on the map, but to develop a credible response to the forces that are redrawing it.
Gadaa Elders, Women Leaders Condemn Ethnic Slurs Against Salaale Oromo Community
SALAALE, OROMIA — A coalition of traditional and community leaders, including the Abbootii Gadaa (Gadaa Councilors), Haadholee Siinqee (Siinqee Women Leaders), and Jaarsollee Biyyaa (Elders of the Land), has issued a strong condemnation against recent derogatory remarks made about the Salaale Oromo people.
The leaders have denounced a social media broadcast in which an individual named Heenok Girmaa allegedly used offensive language that “attacked the dignity and honor of the Salaale people.” The broadcast, aired on December 13, 2018, on a private media outlet called J.P.S., is described by the leaders as containing “insulting speech and false information” that violates Oromo cultural norms of respect (safuu) and taboo (duudhaa).
In their statement, the traditional authorities emphasized the respected standing of the Salaale community. They highlighted that the Salaale people are known for their “dignity, deep adherence to Oromo culture, and peaceful coexistence.” The community comprises followers of various religions who, they stated, “live together in love and peace, without their faiths causing division.”
The leaders contextualized the Salaale community’s significant contributions to Ethiopia. They noted that Salaale is the homeland of renowned national figures who fought for equality among nations and nationalities, including General Taaddasaa Birruu, Archbishop Luuba Abune Pheexiroos, and heroines like H/mariyaam Gammadaa. It is also the birthplace of global athletics champion Shaambal Abbabaa Biqilaa.
“Like other parts of our country, the Salaale people paid immense sacrifices for the sovereignty of this nation,” the statement reads. “Therefore, the act of defamation by this individual against this community is baseless and far from the truth.”
The condemnation also raises legal and ethical concerns. The leaders argued that in a country governed by law, it is unacceptable for a private individual to broadly insult and belittle a large community. They characterized the slurs as a calculated act driven by a “hidden personal agenda,” not representative of any religious or ethnic position.
Consequently, the Abbootii Gadaa, Haadholee Siinqee, and Jaarsollee Biyyaa have formally called upon the government to intervene. They have requested that the relevant legal authorities take appropriate measures against the broadcaster for launching what they deem a “campaign of hate speech and defamation” against a dignified segment of society. The leaders reaffirmed that such attacks have no place in the community and will not be tolerated.
Homecoming of a Pioneer: The Return of Oromia’s First President
By Daandii Oromia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — In a moment laden with history and emotion, the first President of the Oromia Regional State, Honorable Mr. Hassan Ali, has returned to his homeland, ending nearly three decades of exile. His arrival marks more than a personal journey; it represents a symbolic closing of a long chapter and a deliberate gesture of reconciliation by the current Oromia leadership.
The official welcome, extended by the sitting President of Oromia, Mr. Shimelis Abdisa, was framed not just in political terms, but in the language of profound respect and historical acknowledgment. “It is with the utmost respect that I welcome Mr. Hassan Ali home with his family after nearly three decades,” President Abdisa stated, setting a tone of deference to a foundational figure of the region’s modern autonomy.
The Architect Returns
Mr. Hassan Ali’s presidency in the 1990s came during a formative and volatile period, following the adoption of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist constitution. He and his contemporaries were tasked with the monumental challenge of building the nascent Oromia Regional State from the ground up—establishing its institutions, defining its administrative contours, and navigating the complex politics of a post-Derg Ethiopia.
In his remarks, President Abdisa explicitly honored this legacy. “They are the pioneers who laid the foundation for the Oromia Regional State to reach this level,” he said. This recognition serves as a formal validation of the struggles and efforts of the region’s early architects, whose work has often been overshadowed by subsequent political turmoil and exile.
“To See the Government He Established”
Perhaps the most poignant element of President Abdisa’s welcome was his focus on the personal significance of this return for Mr. Hassan Ali. “I want to congratulate him today not only on his safe return home with his families; for being able to see the government he established,” Abdisa noted.
For a leader who departed in the early days of the institution he helped create, this return offers a tangible, living assessment of that foundational work. It is an opportunity to witness the evolution of the state structure he pioneered, now led by a new generation. President Abdisa emphasized the resilience of that foundation: “He not only endures all pressures but also strengthen and expand to serve the people he fought for at the home level.”
A Commitment to Broader Reconciliation
Beyond the personal welcome, the current President used the occasion to make a significant policy-oriented declaration, signaling a potential shift toward greater inclusivity. “On behalf of myself and the Oromia Regional Government, I would like to thank them for their roles at all levels and for their services,” he said, offering official gratitude.
He then extended an olive branch that resonated far beyond the single homecoming: “I would like to take this opportunity to confirm that the Oromia Regional State Government is committed to bringing the children of the people who have been away for various reasons back home according to our ancient traditions.”
This statement frames reconciliation not merely as a political process, but as a cultural and social one, rooted in Oromo traditions of conflict resolution and homecoming (Gumaa and Araara). It proposes a pathway for the return of other exiled figures and diaspora communities, suggesting a future where Oromia’s governance is informed by a wider, more diverse set of its native sons and daughters.
A Symbol for the Future
The return of President Hassan Ali, facilitated by the sitting administration, is a powerful symbol. It bridges historical divides, acknowledges foundational contributions, and tests the waters for broader national dialogue. While the long-term political implications remain to be seen, the event itself has been successfully cast as an act of statesmanship and historical unity.
As Mr. Hassan Ali reacquaints himself with a homeland transformed, his presence invites reflection on Oromia’s journey—from the struggle for self-administration to the complex realities of exercising it. His homecoming, wrapped in official honor and traditional promise, may well be remembered as a pivotal moment in the region’s ongoing story of governance, identity, and reconciliation.
Solidarity Beyond Borders: Oromo Community’s Call for Unity
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Melbourne’s Oromo Community Stands in Solidarity with Jewish Australians After Bondi Attack
MELBOURNE, VIC – 19 December 2025 – The Oromo Community in Melbourne has issued a powerful statement of solidarity and support for the Australian Jewish community following the horrific antisemitic terror attack on peaceful Chanukah celebrations in Bondi.
The statement expresses the community’s profound grief and unwavering support for the victims, their families, and all those impacted by the tragedy. “Our deepest condolences, sympathy, and love are with the bereaved families, the injured victims, the courageous first responders, and all members of the Jewish and wider Bondi community impacted by this tragedy,” the statement reads.
In a show of national unity, the Oromo community announced it has joined over 200 civil society organisations across Australia in signing a collective statement against hate, representing millions of Australians.
A Call for Unity and Safety
The community’s Chairperson, Mr. Alemayehu Kube, emphasized the shared values of peace and safety. “Love is what fortifies a community, while violence and hatred only destroy,” said Mr. Kube. “There is no place for hatred and violence in any form. We stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the Jewish community, who have an absolute right to feel safe and be safe in our shared country.”
The statement explicitly frames the attack as an assault on the nation’s core principles, calling it “an affront to the tolerance and inclusion that define our national character.” It asserts that the right to safety is universal and “cannot depend on identity, origin, cultural background, age, or gender.”
A Commitment to Action and Reflection
Beyond words of support, the Oromo community has committed to tangible action, stating it is “committed to deep reflection and meaningful action” in the face of such evil. The statement highlights the long-term trauma of such events, especially for children and families, and calls for a collective national response.
“In this difficult moment, we call on all Australians to come together as one united people,” the statement urges. “Our strength has always resided in our diversity—in people of all faiths and cultures, from over 236 backgrounds, standing side by side in empathy and mutual respect.”
The message concludes with a hopeful vision, advocating for a response of compassion over fear and unity over division. “May we support one another, honour those who have been impacted, and continue building an Australia where every person feels safe, valued, and supported—in both body and mind.”
The full statement from the Oromo Community in Melbourne is available for review.
About the Oromo Community in Melbourne: The Oromo Community in Melbourne represents members of the Oromo diaspora in Victoria, fostering cultural preservation, community support, and active civic engagement within Australia’s multicultural society.
The Case for Dual Citizenship in Ethiopia
In our increasingly interconnected world, the Ethiopian diaspora represents a vast reservoir of talent, capital, and cultural richness. To fully harness this potential, the Ethiopian government should formally recognize dual citizenship. This policy shift is a strategic imperative for national development, moving beyond outdated notions of exclusive allegiance to embrace a more inclusive and pragmatic vision of Ethiopian identity.
The current denial of dual citizenship creates an artificial and counterproductive divide. It forces a choice between a new life abroad and a fundamental connection to their homeland, stifling the very contributions the nation needs. The benefits of reform are clear and compelling:
- Economic Growth: Dual citizenship would unlock significant investment. By granting diaspora Ethiopians the full rights and security of citizenship, they would be empowered to invest more confidently in businesses, real estate, and the stock market, directly fueling entrepreneurship and economic growth.
- Knowledge and Cultural Exchange: This policy would fortify the bonds of culture and knowledge. It facilitates the seamless flow of ideas, skills, and heritage, ensuring that future generations remain connected to their roots and actively engaged in Ethiopia’s cultural and intellectual landscape.
- Political Engagement and Unity: Granting dual citizenship integrates the diaspora into the nation’s democratic fabric. It provides a formal voice in Ethiopia’s future, transforming alienation into engagement and fostering a stronger, more unified global Ethiopian community.
- Global Competitiveness: Ethiopia is currently an outlier. Many nations across Africa and the world actively leverage dual citizenship to engage their diaspora. To compete for global talent and investment, Ethiopia must modernize its citizenship laws and join this progressive trend.
Ultimately, accepting dual citizenship is more than a legal update—it is a profound commitment to inclusivity and progress. It is a recognition that the strength of a nation lies not only within its borders but also in the hands of its global citizens. By embracing its diaspora, Ethiopia can unlock a new chapter of development, unity, and shared prosperity.
Remembering Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo: A Legacy of Oromo Advocacy
A Message of Condolence from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) on the Passing of Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) expresses its profound grief and sorrow upon learning of the passing of the esteemed Oromo scholar, historian, and human rights advocate, Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo.
Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo was born and raised in Nageellee Arsi, West Arsi Zone, in the southeastern region of Oromia.
From his youth, Professor Hamdeessaa was a witness to the oppression and resistance of the Oromo people under successive Ethiopian imperial regimes. His personal history reveals that he grew up amidst the struggles of his people, developing from an early age into a resolute individual who refused to be a tool of the enemy’s oppression.
After completing his primary and secondary education, Professor Hamdeessaa pursued advanced studies abroad. He earned a B.A. in History from Avondale College, Australia (1972), an M.A. in Conflict Resolution from Andrews University, USA (1974), and a Ph.D. in Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding from Michigan State University, USA (1981). His doctoral research focused on conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and the role of Oromo cultural traditions.
Leveraging his academic expertise, he conducted various research projects and served as the Director of International Student Services and Oromo Cultural Affairs at George Mason University (1982–1990), where he engaged deeply with the Oromo diaspora.
His distinguished academic career also included positions as a Professor in the Department of Conflict Resolution at Nova Southeastern University (1998–2004), the Esau Distinguished Visiting Professor of Conflict Resolution at Menno Simons College, University of Winnipeg (2006–2007), and a Professor in the Department of Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Manitoba (2011–2019).
Among his numerous scholarly publications is the work Creating The Third Force: Indigenous Processes of Peacemaking, which presents the Oromo Gadaa system as a model for other nations.
Professor Hamdeessaa also played a significant role in the Oromo liberation struggle. He collaborated with Oromo activists, both living and deceased—such as Luba Guddinaa Tumsaa, Jaal Baaroo Tumsaa, Professor Muhaammad Hasan, Professor Asaffaa Jaallataa, and others—on matters concerning Oromummaa (Oromo national identity).
Furthermore, he initiated the “Shanachaa Jaarsummaa” (Elders’ Mediation) process (2001–2004) in a long-standing effort to resolve political conflicts within the Oromo liberation movement.
His contributions extended to international advocacy, including his involvement in the “Immigration and Refugee Forum” during the 1980s, which helped secure refugee status for Oromos in the USA, and his participation in the London Peace Conference (1991) aimed at transforming Ethiopia’s political system.
He was also instrumental in founding the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), through which he promoted extensive research and scholarship.
Moreover, as a professor to countless university students, he planted the seeds of peace, human rights, and social change, inspiring many to become advocates and achievers in these fields.
Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo was an Oromo intellectual born into the Oromo struggle, who matured within it, and strived tirelessly to see the fruits of Oromo liberation. He passed away on November 22, 2025, in Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada.
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) shares in this irreplaceable loss and extends its deepest condolences to his family, relatives, and the entire Oromo nation, wishing them patience and strength.
A fighter falls, but the struggle continues!
Victory to the Masses!
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
November 23, 2025
Finfinnee
Oromo Studies Association Remembers Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo
Oromo Studies Association (OSA) Mourns the Passing of Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo
The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) has expressed its profound sorrow upon the passing of the esteemed scholar and activist, Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo.
In an official statement, OSA remembered Professor Hamdeessaa not only as a brilliant Oromo intellectual but also as a founding member who played an indispensable role in the establishment of the association. The statement emphasized that his contributions to the fields of Oromo scholarship and the global academic community were truly immeasurable.
The association highlighted his pivotal leadership from the very beginning, noting that he served as its first president and laid a strong foundation for the organization. This was at a critical time in 1986 when Oromo history, knowledge, and culture were under significant pressure. Professor Hamdeessaa provided crucial leadership and made immense contributions to building a robust institution dedicated to critical inquiry, intellectual empowerment, and collective advancement.
OSA’s statement further detailed the professor’s lifelong dedication. Born and raised in Oromia, he waged a long and steadfast struggle for the rights, dignity, and freedom of the oppressed Oromo people.
His commitment to the Oromo cause was evident early on; while in secondary school, he began his activism in human rights, demonstrating an unwavering sense of justice and a spirit of self-sacrifice for the goals of his people. These early experiences set the tone for a life dedicated to scholarship, mentorship, and public service.
After earning his Ph.D. from Michigan State University in 1981, Professor Hamdeessaa held significant academic positions at numerous prestigious institutions, including George Mason University, Antioch University, Nova Southeastern University, Menno Simons College, and the University of Manitoba.
His scholarly work was robust, focusing on critical areas such as peace and conflict, indigenous peacemaking, African oral traditions, and the politics of the Horn of Africa.
Beyond the academy, OSA noted, Professor Hamdeessaa Tusoo also played a major role in community service and empowerment, leaving a legacy that extends far beyond the classroom.
Oromia Support Group Details Human Rights Abuses in Ethiopia
Oromia Support Group Report Details Widespread Human Rights Abuses in Ethiopia
November 21, 2025 – The Oromia Support Group (OSG), an organization advocating for human rights, has released a damning 70-page report alleging systematic and widespread human rights violations across Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa.
The report, released on November 20, 2025, documents a severe crisis in Ethiopia, citing extensive human rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, the suppression of public dissent, and the widespread intimidation of civil society leaders.
The OSG’s findings echo concerns previously raised by international bodies. On September 9, 2025, during its 60th session, the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) expressed alarm over the human rights situation in Ethiopia, noting that rights to free expression, assembly, and political party association have been severely curtailed.
The OSG further highlighted significant concerns regarding the environment for the country’s upcoming 7th national election, scheduled for 2026, stating that civil society organizations and journalists are operating in a climate of intense fear and repression.
According to the OSG, a significant portion of the human rights violations in Ethiopia are perpetrated by state security forces and affiliated militias. The report details that the recurring inter-ethnic conflicts in Oromia, Amhara, and the post-conflict Tigray regions continue to inflict severe harm on civilian populations.
The group’s documentation provides a grim snapshot of Oromia, alleging that summary executions, arbitrary detentions, and property seizures by government forces are commonplace.
The OSG report specifically names numerous locations where these alleged killings have occurred, including major urban centers such as:
- Finfinnee (Addis Ababa)
- Shaggar
- Adaama
The list also encompasses a wide range of zones and regions across Oromia, such as:
- Shaawa: East, West, South-West, and Central Shaawa
- Arsi: West Arsi and East Arsi
- Hararge: East and West Hararge
- Wallagga: East, West, Qellam, and Horro Guduru Wallagga
- Gujii: East and West Guji
- Boorana
- Bunnoo Badallee
- Jimma
- Iluu Abbaa Booraa
This extensive list underscores the report’s central claim that human rights abuses are not isolated incidents but are pervasive throughout the Oromia region.
Remembering Obbo Dootii Turaa: A Legacy of Oromo Leadership
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has announced the passing of the esteemed Oromo freedom fighter and elder, Obbo Dootii Turaa, expressing its profound sorrow at this great loss.
In an official statement, the OLF conveyed that the death of Obbo Dootii Turaa has left them with a sense of deep and immense grief.
Obbo Dootii was born in 1925 in Nageellee Arsi, Arsi West Zone, in the Southeastern part of Oromia. From a young age, he was deeply conscious of his identity. After completing his elementary education, he became a teacher in his home region, serving in Goobee town and later in Maqii, in East Shewa. In this role, he was dedicated to educating his people on various subjects, ensuring they knew their culture and identity, and teaching them about the realities of living under a foreign colonial system.
After moving to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), he continued his education and, during the reign of Haile Selassie, ventured into business. He built a family home and a business enterprise, and he strategically used the wealth he accumulated to openly support the Oromo struggle for liberation.
He actively participated in the resistance against the feudal regime, taking part in the 1960s student movements and the initial organized resistance. He also supported the Macca and Tuulama Self-Help Association, contributing his professional skills and financial resources in a significant and visible manner.
Furthermore, during a time when few were dedicating themselves to the cause, Obbo Dootii transformed his business into a meeting place for freedom fighters and his family home into a safe house for them. He also provided material support to the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA).
Through his overt and covert work, he collaborated with members and supporters of the OLF, such as the late Luba Guddinaa Tumsaa, Baaroo Tumsaa, Muhee Abdoo, and former OLF High Council member Magarsaa Barii. He was subsequently accused by the oppressive regime of the time and imprisoned for ten years alongside Luba Guddinaa Tumsaa.
Throughout successive Ethiopian regimes—the Haile Selassie monarchy, the Derg, and the TPLF/EPRDF—Obbo Dootii Turaa was repeatedly imprisoned and severely persecuted.
Under the particularly brutal repression of the EPRDF/TPLF/OPDO regime, he was forced into exile, ultimately living as a refugee in the United States.
Obbo Dootii Turaa was a wise Oromo elder, a visionary leader, and a respected authority on Oromo affairs and identity. He remained unwavering in his commitment to Oromo freedom until his final days. He passed away on November 18, 2025, in the United States, at an advanced age after a period of illness.
Oromedia 