Reclaiming Oromummaa: The Journey of Oromo Studies

Bringing ‘Oromummaa’ into Focus: Four Decades of Reclaiming an Indigenous Legacy
JANUARY 9, 2026 – As the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) approaches its 40th anniversary, it has released a landmark statement that is part historical reflection, part scholarly triumph, and part urgent defense. The statement, authored by OSA President Dr. Ibrahim Amae Elemo, chronicles a transformative journey: from the systemic erasure of Oromo history to the global recognition of its indigenous democratic systems, and now, to a new wave of attacks targeting the scholars who brought this legacy to light.
Central to this four-decade effort is the concept of Oromummaa—a term embodying the collective values, institutions, and worldview of the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia. Once dismissed, Oromummaa has been meticulously restored by OSA scholars through research that has redrawn the map of Horn of Africa studies.
From Erasure to Reclamation
The OSA’s founding in the 1980s was a direct response to a void. Prior to its establishment, Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives; it was actively suppressed. As the statement details, a state ideology of “Ethiopianism” promoted Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and Abyssinian culture as the sole legitimate national identity. The Oromo language, Afaan Oromoo, was banned in schools and public life until 1992, and students were punished for speaking it or using Oromo names.
“The national project,” the statement asserts, “was to ‘Ethiopianize’ the peoples of the south and center through enforced cultural unification.” In this process, the Oromo—despite constituting about half of Ethiopia’s population—were portrayed as backward and ahistorical.
OSA’s intervention was revolutionary. Its scholars, many of whom were part of that first generation of students reclaiming their language, engaged in rigorous research that recovered suppressed histories. Through conferences, journals, and collaborative work, they produced a substantial body of knowledge that countered centuries of denigration and “restored collective dignity.”
Reshaping History and Highlighting Indigenous Democracy
A cornerstone of OSA scholarship has been re-examining Ethiopian state formation. Drawing on archives and oral histories, researchers have framed the expansion of the Abyssinian empire in the late 19th century as a colonial project, supported by European powers and marked by violent conquest, dispossession, and the enslavement of independent societies like the Oromo.
More celebratory research has focused on Oromummaa as an indigenous democratic worldview, anchored in three core institutions:
- The Gadaa System: A complex socio-political system featuring an eight-year leadership cycle, checks and balances, and principles of accountability and rule of law. Its global significance was recognized by UNESCO’s inscription on its Intangible Cultural Heritage list.
- Siinqee (Siiqee): A women’s institution that ensures gender balance and social justice.
- The Qaallu: The spiritual authority maintaining harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Together, these institutions embody values of democracy, peace (nagaa), and ecological stewardship that OSA argues offer lessons of “global relevance.”
A New Era of Attacks and a Call to Action
This hard-won scholarly recognition is now under threat. The OSA statement warns of “renewed attacks on Oromo scholars and scholarship” from actors seeking to “restore inequitable power relations.”
These attacks have evolved from formal complaints accusing scholars of “hate speech” to coordinated social media campaigns that vilify Oromummaa itself as a dangerous ideology. Internationally respected figures like Professor Asafa Jalata, a pioneering sociologist, have been targeted.
“These attacks do not represent scholarly debate grounded in evidence,” the statement declares. “Rather, they reflect a politicized rejection of any scholarship that challenges centralized authoritarian narratives.” It draws a stark warning: “History demonstrates that vilification of a people’s identity is often a precursor to mass violence.”
In conclusion, the OSA issues a powerful call to the global academic community and the public. It urges the defense of academic freedom and support for Oromo scholarship, framing it not as a niche field but as vital to understanding one of the continent’s oldest continuous democratic traditions. The Oromo legacy, the statement concludes, is a contribution not only of “agricultural and animal bounty” but of a resilient, indigenous democratic way of life whose study is now more critical than ever.
#Oromummaa #OromoStudies #Gadaa #AcademicFreedom #OSA40

Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa: A Scholar’s Struggle in Oromia

A Scholar in Exile: The Plight of Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa and a Community’s Anguish
A quiet crisis is unfolding in the heart of Oromia, one that speaks volumes about the precarious state of its intellectuals. Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa, a revered Oromo scholar, author, and elder, is reportedly in a dire situation, having lost his home and been forced to return to his birthplace in Qeellem Wallagga under difficult circumstances.
The news of Dr. Gammachuu’s troubles first circulated months ago but, as sources lament, “became a topic of discussion and then, while the Oromo community failed to find a solution, it was forgotten and left behind.” The issue was recently brought back to public attention through a poignant interview on Mo’aa Media, where the scholar himself confirmed the severity of his plight.
In the interview, Dr. Gammachuu shared a stark reality. After losing his house—reportedly sold to fund the publication of his scholarly work on Oromo history—he has returned to his ancestral land. “We have returned to our birthplace and are living there, farming our family’s land,” he stated, describing this turn as a significant hardship in his life. He revealed a history of being targeted, mentioning a prior expulsion from Addis Ababa University under the Derg regime.
His current predicament stems from a sacrifice for knowledge: “They sold their house to publish a book about the Oromo people,” he explained of the decision. He expressed frustration that people who know him seem unwilling to acknowledge his struggle, stating, “For the first time, I don’t know how this problem caught up with me, but I also don’t know how to be humiliated by a problem.”
The revelation has sparked profound concern and indignation within the Oromo community, both in Ethiopia and across the diaspora. The case of such an esteemed figure—a PhD holder who has contributed greatly to the preservation of Oromo history and culture—living without a stable home has become a powerful and troubling symbol.
The public reaction is crystallizing around urgent, critical questions directed at the Oromia Regional State government:
- Where is Oromo Wealth? Community members are asking, “The wealthy Oromos, where are they?” The question highlights a perceived disconnect between the region’s economic elite and the welfare of its most valuable intellectual assets.
- What is the Government’s Role? A more direct challenge is posed to the regional leadership: “The government that calls itself the government of the Oromo people spends money on festivals and various things. How is it that Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa, who has served the country with great distinction, has fallen through the cracks and is not provided a house?”
The situation of Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa is no longer seen as a personal misfortune but as a test case. It tests the community’s commitment to honoring its elders and scholars, and it tests the regional government’s stated mission to uplift and protect the Oromo nation. His empty study is a silent indictment, and his return to the soil he has spent a lifetime documenting is a powerful, somber metaphor. The Oromo public now watches and waits to see if a solution will be found for one of its own, or if his struggle will remain an unanswered question in the ongoing narrative of Oromo self-determination.
The Crisis of Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa in Oromia

A Scholar in Exile: The Plight of Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa and a Community’s Anguish
A quiet crisis is unfolding in the heart of Oromia, one that speaks volumes about the precarious state of its intellectuals. Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa, a revered Oromo scholar, author, and elder, is reportedly in a dire situation, having lost his home and been forced to return to his birthplace in Qeellem Wallagga under difficult circumstances.
The news of Dr. Gammachuu’s troubles first circulated months ago but, as sources lament, “became a topic of discussion and then, while the Oromo community failed to find a solution, it was forgotten and left behind.” The issue was recently brought back to public attention through a poignant interview on Mo’aa Media, where the scholar himself confirmed the severity of his plight.
In the interview, Dr. Gammachuu shared a stark reality. After losing his house—reportedly sold to fund the publication of his scholarly work on Oromo history—he has returned to his ancestral land. “We have returned to our birthplace and are living there, farming our family’s land,” he stated, describing this turn as a significant hardship in his life. He revealed a history of being targeted, mentioning a prior expulsion from Addis Ababa University under the Derg regime.
His current predicament stems from a sacrifice for knowledge: “They sold their house to publish a book about the Oromo people,” he explained of the decision. He expressed frustration that people who know him seem unwilling to acknowledge his struggle, stating, “For the first time, I don’t know how this problem caught up with me, but I also don’t know how to be humiliated by a problem.”
The revelation has sparked profound concern and indignation within the Oromo community, both in Ethiopia and across the diaspora. The case of such an esteemed figure—a PhD holder who has contributed greatly to the preservation of Oromo history and culture—living without a stable home has become a powerful and troubling symbol.
The public reaction is crystallizing around urgent, critical questions directed at the Oromia Regional State government:
- Where is Oromo Wealth? Community members are asking, “The wealthy Oromos, where are they?” The question highlights a perceived disconnect between the region’s economic elite and the welfare of its most valuable intellectual assets.
- What is the Government’s Role? A more direct challenge is posed to the regional leadership: “The government that calls itself the government of the Oromo people spends money on festivals and various things. How is it that Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa, who has served the country with great distinction, has fallen through the cracks and is not provided a house?”
The situation of Dr. Gammachuu Magarsaa is no longer seen as a personal misfortune but as a test case. It tests the community’s commitment to honoring its elders and scholars, and it tests the regional government’s stated mission to uplift and protect the Oromo nation. His empty study is a silent indictment, and his return to the soil he has spent a lifetime documenting is a powerful, somber metaphor. The Oromo public now watches and waits to see if a solution will be found for one of its own, or if his struggle will remain an unanswered question in the ongoing narrative of Oromo self-determination.
Lessons from Oromo Liberation: The Pitfalls of Factionalism
A Commentary on Factionalism and Fidelity: Lessons from the Oromo Liberation Struggle
The history of any protracted liberation movement is often marked not only by external conflict but by the internal tremors of factionalism and dissent. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), as the vanguard of the Oromo national struggle for self-determination, has been no stranger to these internal fractures. A recurring narrative emerges across decades: groups breaking away in protest, creating a moment of internal chaos and heightened rhetoric, only to ultimately seek refuge or alignment with the very forces the movement was founded to oppose.
This pattern is worth examining. In 1998, a faction rebelled, sowing what is described as “chaos” within the struggle’s camp. Soon after, figures like the Biqilcha Sanyii group gathered and surrendered to the TPLF camp—the ruling party in Ethiopia that the OLF was fundamentally contesting. A decade later, in 2008, a group styling itself “Change” staged another revolt, creating a similar atmosphere of internal terror before fragmenting and, like the earlier Lichoo Bukuraa group, entering the TPLF fold.
These episodes, and the more recent schisms post-2018—such as the faction led by Jireenyaa Guddataa—follow a disturbingly familiar script. The dissidents frame all the struggles’ challenges and failures as creations of the OLF leadership itself. They present their rebellion as a necessary corrective, a purifying force. Yet, their trajectory often leads not to the renewal of the struggle, but to its weakening and, paradoxically, to the camp of the adversary.
This recurring fate points to a fundamental, painful lesson for liberation movements: The problem of struggle is not solved by rebellion against one’s own political home.
The immediate allure of schism is clear. It offers a clean break from perceived stagnation, a platform for new voices, and a dramatic claim to moral or strategic superiority. It channels frustration into action, even if that action is turned inward. However, when such rebellions are rooted primarily in opposition—in defining oneself against the parent organization rather than for a coherent, sustainable alternative—they often become politically orphaned. Lacking a deep, independent base and a clear path to victory, they become vulnerable to co-option or absorption by external powers eager to exploit divisions within their opposition.
The commentary concludes with a powerful, counterintuitive axiom: “The problem of struggle is solved by submission to one’s own values and principles, patience and determination to overcome it.”
This is not a call for blind obedience, but for a deeper, more difficult fidelity. It suggests that the solution to internal crisis lies not in fragmentation but in rigorous recommitment to the core values and principles that birthed the movement: self-determination, democratic practice, justice, and the primacy of the Oromo people’s cause. It calls for the patience to engage in internal reform, dialogue, and criticism without the poison of treachery. It demands the determination to endure hardship, strategic setbacks, and internal debate as part of the long march toward liberation.
The historical pattern within the OLF suggests that splits which are reactions, not revolutions—that are born of frustration without a foundational vision—ultimately serve to validate the resilience of the original struggle’s framework, even as they wound it. They become cautionary tales, reminding current and future generations that the most perilous terrain for a liberation movement is often not the battlefield ahead, but the divisive ground under its own feet. True strength, the narrative implies, is found not in the ease of walking away, but in the hard labor of staying, rebuilding, and holding fast to the principles that make the walk meaningful.
Unfinished Liberation: The Oromo People at a Crossroads of Struggle and Resurgence

A PRESENT OF PROTEST, A FUTURE OF POSSIBILITY**
The story of the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, has long been narrated as a history of resistance against centuries of marginalization. But history is not a closed book. As the community moves through the 21st century, its narrative is one of a profound and tense present—a reality where deep-rooted political challenges coexist with an unprecedented cultural revival, and where the struggle for self-determination is being redefined by a new generation.
This sixth chapter of Oromo history is not about the past; it is a living document, written daily in protests, in songs, in displacement camps, and in the global halls of advocacy.
The Persistent Political Paradox
Demography has not translated into democracy for the Oromo. Constituting an estimated 35-40% of Ethiopia’s population, they remain in a paradoxical position: a numerical majority without commensurate political power. Critical decisions concerning land, security, and resources are still centralized, leaving many Oromos feeling politically sidelined in their own homeland. This structural marginalization is the bedrock of ongoing discontent and the primary catalyst for the powerful protest movements that have shaken the nation over the past decade.
A Landscape of Insecurity and Displacement
The political tension has a human cost. In recent years, several Oromia regions have been plagued by instability. Reports from human rights organizations and media detail cycles of violence involving armed groups and state security forces, leading to civilian casualties, widespread internal displacement, and persistent allegations of rights abuses. Families have been uprooted, farms abandoned, and a pervasive climate of fear has disrupted the social fabric, casting a long shadow over daily life and economic stability.
The Unbreakable Spirit: Cultural Renaissance
Against this challenging backdrop, a powerful counter-narrative flourishes: a cultural renaissance. The Oromo language, *Afaan Oromo*, once suppressed, is now a working language of the Oromia region and is thriving in media, education, and digital spaces. Oromo music, art, and literature are experiencing a golden age, with artists like the late Hachalu Hundessa becoming national icons of resistance and identity. This cultural reawakening is not a retreat but a reclamation—a tool of resilience and a defiant affirmation of existence. Young people, in particular, wear their Oromo identity with a pride that is both personal and political.
The New Architects: Qeerroo and Qarree
The engines of this new chapter are the youth (*Qeerroo*) and women (*Qarree*). The *Qeerroo* movement, a leaderless network of young Oromos, demonstrated its formidable power in the 2014-2018 protests that helped usher in a political transition. Simultaneously, *Qarree*—Oromo women—are moving powerfully from the background to the forefront, organizing, advocating, and demanding a seat at every table, challenging both external oppression and internal patriarchy. Their grassroots activism represents the most dynamic force in contemporary Oromo society.
A Global Struggle with a Peaceful Heart
Oromo activism has consistently emphasized peaceful resistance, even in the face of violence. This principled stance, coupled with the strategic work of a large and mobilized global diaspora, has successfully internationalized the Oromo question. From parliaments in Washington and Brussels to universities worldwide, the call for Oromo rights and self-determination is now part of the global discourse on human rights and federalism in Ethiopia.
Hope Anchored in Unity and Knowledge
The path forward is fraught but illuminated by a clear vision. Community leaders and intellectuals stress that the future hinges on internal unity, a deep understanding of their own history, and an unwavering commitment to peaceful struggle and dialogue. The goal is not just political change but the building of a society where Oromo identity is the foundation for dignity, justice, and shared prosperity.
Conclusion: A Story Still Being Told
This Oromo history confirms that their story is still unfolding. It is a present-tense narrative of simultaneous pain and power, of loss and limitless cultural vitality. The struggle for a truly equitable place within Ethiopia continues, but it is now carried by a generation armed with history, mobilized by technology, and inspired by an unbroken spirit. The Oromo history, as it is written today, remains—above all—a enduring story of survival, resistance, and an undimmed hope for a future of their own making.
New Year, New Hope: Oromo Youth Demand Freedom

Feature News: A New Year’s Covenant – Oromo Youth Pledge Action to Fulfill “The Price of Freedom”
As the Oromo community worldwide celebrated the dawn of a new year, a powerful and solemn pledge emerged from its youth vanguard, framing the occasion not just as a celebration, but as a moment of collective accounting and renewed commitment.
In a statement reflecting the spirit of the season, representatives of the Oromo youth movement affirmed their core aspirations: “Our hope is for the freedom, dignity, peace, and security of our people.” This declaration, however, was immediately coupled with a stark acknowledgment of responsibility. They stated they stand firmly “under the vanguard of the Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo (QBO), which is led by the OLF,” ready to shoulder the burden required to make that hope a reality.
The most striking element of their message was the concept of a debt to be paid. “To fulfill that hope… we have paid and will continue to pay the necessary price,” the statement read. This “price” is understood as the immense sacrifices—lives lost, freedoms curtailed, and years of struggle—endured by the Oromo people throughout generations of what they term “the darkness of subjugation.”
The message transforms New Year’s optimism into a blueprint for action. It positions the coming year not as a passive waiting period, but as an active campaign to “lead our people from the darkness of subjugation into the light of freedom.” This imagery powerfully defines their political struggle as a journey toward enlightenment and liberation.
The closing acclamations—“Long live the OLF! Victory is for our people!”—root this forward-looking energy in the existing political structure and collective identity. It confirms the QBO’s alignment with the Oromo Liberation Front’s historical mission while placing the agency for the final push squarely on the shoulders of the mobilized youth.
Analysts see this statement as a significant articulation of the movement’s current phase. It moves beyond protest and resistance toward a language of fulfillment and debt settlement. The youth are not just asking for freedom; they are announcing their intention to actively “pay for it” through continued struggle and sacrifice, seeing themselves as the executors of a long-held national promise.
The feature of this news is its encapsulation of a pivotal mindset: the Oromo New Year has become a time to audit the balance sheet of the struggle. The hopes are the credit; the sacrifices are the debit. The message from the youth is clear—they are committed to closing the ledger, whatever the cost, until the account of freedom is settled. The journey from darkness to light, they assert, is a bill they are prepared to pay in full.

Oromo Diaspora’s Commitment: Honoring the Liberation Struggle

In Cairo, a Distant Diaspora Keeps the Flame Alive: Commemorating the Oromo Liberation Struggle
CAIRO – In a gathering marked by solemn reflection and resilient spirit, the Oromo community in Cairo recently commemorated Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) Day on January 1, 2026. The event was more than a calendar observance; it was a powerful act of collective memory, a reaffirmation of identity, and a declaration of unwavering commitment to a cause that spans decades and continents.
The atmosphere was charged with the weight of history. As noted by Mr. Nasralla Abdu, Chairman of the Association, the day serves a dual purpose: to honor the souls of fallen freedom fighters and to fortify the resolve of those who continue the struggle. This is not mere ritual; it is the lifeblood of a diaspora movement, a vital mechanism to ensure that distance does not dilute purpose nor time erode sacrifice.
The historical anchor of the commemoration, as recounted, is crucial. The reference to the OLA’s reconstitution in 1980, following the severe challenges of the late 1970s, transforms April 1st from a simple date into a symbol of regeneration and stubborn endurance. It marks a moment when the struggle, against formidable odds, chose to persist. Celebrating this anniversary yearly, as the chairman explained, is to ritually reaffirm that same choice to persist, generation after generation.
The testimonies from attendees cut to the heart of the matter. For them, this was an “anniversary of covenant”—a renewal of the sacred promise to the struggle—and a moment of remembrance for those who paid the “ultimate price.” This language transcends politics; it enters the realm of collective oath and sacred duty. Furthermore, their powerful statement linking the ongoing sacrifice of Oromo people inside the homeland—for their identity, culture, history, and land—to the diaspora’s obligation to “stand in solidarity and fight for our people’s rights” creates a potent bridge. It connects the internal resistance with external advocacy, framing a unified struggle on two fronts.
This event in Cairo is a microcosm of a global phenomenon. It demonstrates how diasporas function as custodians of history and amplifiers of voice when direct expression at home is constrained. The careful observance in Egypt underscores that the Oromo quest for recognition, justice, and self-determination is not confined by geography. It is nurtured in community halls abroad as much as it is in the hearts of people within Oromia.
Ultimately, the commemoration was a tapestry woven with threads of grief, pride, and ironclad resolution. It acknowledged a painful past of loss and “severe circumstances,” celebrated the resilience that emerged from it, and boldly projected that spirit into an uncertain future. As long as such gatherings occur—where names are remembered, covenants renewed, and solidarity declared—the narrative of the Oromo struggle remains alive, authored not just by fighters on the ground but by communities in exile holding vigil for the dawn they believe must come.

The Legacy of Oromo Founders: Unfinished Business

Feature Commentary: The Unclaimed Inheritance – On the Unfinished Debt to Oromoo’s Founders
In the sacred narrative of the Oromo struggle, certain names are whispered with reverence, not merely as historical footnotes, but as living accusations against the present. The story of Hotel Jibaat and Maccaa, and the founding father Ob. Beellamaa Futtaasaa, is one such story. It is not a eulogy for the departed; it is a mirror held up to the community, revealing an unsettling and unresolved question of legacy, debt, and collective conscience.
The tale is stark in its simplicity. When the modern Oromo political struggle was ignited in Ambo, it was men like Ob. Beellamaa Futtaasaa—owners of the Hotel Jibaat and Maccaa—who provided the crucial, tangible infrastructure. Their support was not passive sympathy; it was the active, risky bedrock upon which early organizing was built. Their hotel was not just a business; it was a sanctuary, a meeting hall, a nerve center for the nascent Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). They were, as the text states, “hundeessitoota”—foundational pillars—who stood with the architects of the political dream.
The piercing tragedy, however, lies in the chilling coda to this foundation story: “Today… their descendants are in want.”
This single line unravels a profound moral and social contradiction. The children and grandchildren of those who provided the deeggarsa qabsoo hidhannoo—the support that sustained the struggle in its most fragile, clandestine phase—are now left struggling. Their material inheritance has seemingly evaporated, and the immense social capital of their forefathers’ sacrifice has not translated into security or dignity. The comparison drawn is as painful as it is deliberate: while the children of other heroes (like Ob. Daraaraa) are seen to have flourished, the lineage of Beellamaa Futtaasaa faces neglect.
This is more than a family’s hardship. It is a fracture in the very covenant of the struggle. A movement built on principles of justice, self-determination, and collective upliftment now stands accused of failing its most immediate creditors—the families of its earliest benefactors. The hotel that once housed the dream now symbolically stands empty for its heirs.
The commentary this situation demands is multifaceted:
First, on the Nature of Sacrifice: The story forces a reckoning with what we value in our history. We glorify the martyr on the battlefield and the political theorist, but often forget the enabler—the one who risked property, livelihood, and safety to create the space for the movement to breathe. Their contribution, though less cinematic, was equally vital. By forgetting them, we create a hierarchy of sacrifice that is both unjust and historically myopic.
Second, on the Ethics of Legacy: Every revolutionary movement eventually grapples with the transition from struggle to governance, from resistance to responsibility. A core part of that responsibility is social and historical accountability. Have the structures built by the struggle—whether formal institutions or community networks—developed a mechanism to honor and support the living legacies of its founders? The plight of the Fitaaxaa family suggests a failing grade. It raises the uncomfortable question: does the movement consume its own, leaving the children of its hosts to face the bill?
Third, on Collective Amnesia and Power: There is a dangerous tendency in evolving political movements to become forward-obsessed, to distance themselves from the “old stories” in a rush to claim new ground. But this amnesia is a form of power. It allows new elites to consolidate status while disengaging from the foundational debts that morally bind them. Remembering Beellamaa Fitaaxaa is not nostalgia; it is an act of political hygiene, a check against the corrupting notion that the present leadership owes nothing to the past.
Finally, on the Meaning of Victory: If the ultimate goal of the Qabsoo is nagaa fi bilisummaa—peace and freedom—what does that freedom mean? Surely, it must encompass a community where the descendants of those who poured the foundation are not left destitute. A struggle that cannot care for the children of its first guardians risks winning a hollow prize, a state or a recognition that has lost its moral compass.
The story of Hotel Jibaat and Maccaa is, therefore, an urgent parable. It is a call for the Oromo nation—its leadership, its diaspora, its institutions—to conduct an audit not just of its political strategies, but of its conscience. It is a demand to reclaim that inheritance of collective responsibility.
The physical hotel may be gone, but the debt it represents remains outstanding. Until it is addressed, the struggle’s claim to justice will carry this quiet, haunting contradiction. True victory will not be complete until the heirs of those who housed the revolution are themselves brought in from the cold. The seeds they watered must bear fruit for their own garden as well.
Oromo Diaspora Celebrates 46th OLA Anniversary Online

Oromo Diaspora Marks 46th OLA Anniversary and New Year with Virtual Gathering, Honors Foundational Victory
January 2, 2026-In a significant online assembly bridging continents, the global Oromo community gathered on January 2, 2026, for a dual commemoration: the 46th anniversary of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA/WBO) and the celebration of Ayyaana Amajjii 1, the Oromo New Year. The virtual event, held via Zoom, served as a space for reflection, strategic review, and a powerful reaffirmation of commitment to the liberation struggle.
The gathering provided a platform to assess the achievements and persistent challenges of the Oromo quest for self-determination. Speakers connected the modern struggle directly to its historical roots, with participant Jaal Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo detailing the harsh founding conditions of the OLA. He highlighted a pivotal foundational moment: the first official day of the OLA was celebrated on January 1, 1980, to mark a victory over a major campaign by the then-ruling Darg (Derg) regime. This historical note underscored that the movement was born not in abstraction, but in the crucible of direct combat and early triumph.
The intertwining of the cultural New Year (Ayyaana Amajjii) with the military anniversary was emphasized as a core feature of Oromo resistance, symbolizing the inseparable link between cultural identity and political struggle. Organizers stated that these dates are perennially observed wherever Oromo patriots, members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO), and supporters of the cause are found.
A central and poignant message was directed at the Oromo youth. In his keynote address, Dr. Daggafaa Abdiisaa framed the continuation of the struggle as a sacred duty inherited from past sacrifices, declaring, “The duty to pursue the goal and objective of the OLF rests upon you, the beloved children of the fallen heroes.”
The event concluded with a sense of solemn purpose, honoring the legacy of the last 46 years—from the first victory commemorated in March 1980 to the present-day resistance—while charting a determined course for the future. It reinforced the global diaspora’s role as a pillar of solidarity and historical memory for the ongoing movement in Oromia.
###
Background Notes:
- The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA/WBO) is the armed wing associated with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO).
- On January 1, 1980, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) celebrated its first formal day to commemorate a hard-fought victory over the Darg regime’s campaigns.
- This day stands as a testament to the early courage and sacrifice that laid the foundation for the ongoing struggle. We remember, honor, and draw strength from the resilience shown from the very beginning.
- Ayyaana Amajjii 1 marks the Oromo New Year based on the traditional Gadaa calendar.
- The OLA’s first commemorative day was March 1, 1980, following a military victory against the Derg (Darg) government.
- The Oromo have been engaged in a long-standing struggle for self-determination within Ethiopia.

Historic Launch of Borana Student Association in Ethiopia

Kenya and Ethiopia Leaders Unite for Historic Launch of Cross-Border Borana Student Association
KOKET, ETHIOPIA — In a landmark event symbolizing cross-border cooperation, political, academic, and community leaders from Kenya and Ethiopia joined university students in Koket, Ethiopia, for the official inauguration of the Borana Ethiopia University Students Association (BESA).
Held under the unifying theme “Education, Empowerment, and Unity,” the launch ceremony brought together a diverse assembly of students, elders, and government officials. The forum served as a platform for critical discussions on leadership, the preservation of cultural identity, and the pivotal role of education in fostering peace and sustainable development within the Borana community and across the region.
The high-profile event underscored the initiative’s significant political and social backing, with notable attendees including:
- H.E. Abagada Guyyo Boru Guyyo (Ethiopia)
- PS Kello Harsama, Principal Secretary, The State Department for Livestock (Kenya)
- Hon. Prof. Guyo Jaldesa, Member of Parliament, Moyale Constituency (Kenya)
- Hon. Col. (Rtd) Dido Ali Rasso, Member of Parliament, Saku Constituency (Kenya)
- Sen. Mohamed Chute, Senator, Marsabit County (Kenya)
They were joined by other distinguished guests and elders from both nations, highlighting a shared commitment to the association’s goals.
The primary mission of BESA is to strengthen unity, academic collaboration, and cultural cohesion among Borana university students in Ethiopia. Organizers envision the association as a catalyst for empowering youth to become proactive leaders and change-makers, equipped to contribute to their communities’ socio-economic progress.
“This is more than a student club; it is a bridge,” said one of the founding student members. “A bridge between generations, between our campuses, and between our nations. Through BESA, we are investing in a unified future rooted in knowledge and shared purpose.”
The launch of BESA marks a proactive step in harnessing the potential of the region’s youth, emphasizing that education and collaborative spirit are fundamental pillars for lasting peace and shared prosperity in the Horn of Africa.
About BESA:
The Borana Ethiopia University Students Association (BESA) is a newly formed organization dedicated to uniting Borana university students across Ethiopia. Its core objectives include promoting academic excellence, cultural exchange, leadership development, and community service, with a vision to nurture a generation of empowered and socially responsible leaders.
