Ethiopian Opposition Calls for Fair 2026 Election Conditions
Press Release: Ethiopian Opposition Parties Outline Fundamental Preconditions for a Credible 2026 Election
Addis Ababa, November 12, 2025 – The undersigned coalition of Ethiopian opposition parties has closely monitored the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia’s (NEBE) preliminary activities concerning the 2026 General Election.
While we acknowledge this as a procedural step, we state unequivocally: in the complete absence of a democratic foundation in Ethiopia today, and without a guaranteed conducive environment, this exercise is a hollow and meaningless endeavor.
Historically, Ethiopian elections have been political performances designed to legitimize an authoritarian system. They have been neither free nor fair, their results neither credible nor publicly accepted. Consequently, they have exacerbated conflict and instability rather than resolving the nation’s profound political crises. A genuine election must be an expression of citizens’ democratic rights, not a tool for rulers to consolidate power.
Therefore, for the 2026 election to represent a genuine step toward lasting peace and a decisive break from this past, we insist that creating a conducive environment is not optional, but an absolute prerequisite. Before any discussion of an electoral calendar can begin, the Ethiopian government must take immediate and concrete action on the following non-negotiable foundational conditions:
1. An Inclusive National Dialogue and Political Settlement
The government must immediately initiate a comprehensive political dialogue with all opposition parties, including those in exile and armed struggle, to agree on a shared roadmap for a genuine democratic transition. An election held without prior national consensus on the nation’s existential issues will only deepen the crisis and cannot produce a legitimate outcome.
2. An End to Armed Conflict and Guaranteed Security
The devastating wars in Oromia, Amhara, Tigray, Afar, and beyond must be brought to a swift, permanent, and verifiable end. Peace and security are the bedrock of any credible election. All parties, candidates, voters, and observers must be able to operate freely and safely across the entire country.
3. The Unconditional Opening of Political Space
The government must immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners. Hundreds of illegally shuttered opposition party offices must be reopened, and the systematic harassment and intimidation of political opponents must cease. Participating in an election while our leaders are imprisoned and our offices are closed is not a credible democratic process.
4. Fundamental Institutional and Legal Reforms
We question the capacity and independence of the NEBE and demand its reconstitution—from the board level to polling station staff—through a transparent, consensus-based process with full political party participation. The electoral law must be fundamentally amended to ensure a fair, inclusive, and proportional system, including the removal of the restrictive support signature requirement.
5. Guaranteed Neutrality of State Institutions
A legally binding agreement must ensure the tangible neutrality of all security forces (defense, police, intelligence) and the judiciary. These institutions must serve the constitution and the nation, not the ruling party. A secure environment where citizens can vote without fear is non-negotiable.
6. Unfettered Press Freedom
The persecution of journalists must end, and all legal barriers stifling independent media must be removed. All local and international media must have equal access to information and polling stations, and face no restrictions on dissemination.
7. Robust Observation by Domestic and International Monitors
The government must legally guarantee the unhindered participation of credible domestic and international observers throughout the entire electoral process. The NEBE’s deployment of unvetted “domestic observers” is insufficient and will not guarantee credibility.
A Call for Verification and Unity
To ensure these are not empty words, the fulfillment of these conditions must be verified by independent international actors, including the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), and United Nations (UN). Public trust must be built through reliable agreements among all electoral stakeholders.
We therefore issue a collective call to the government and ruling party to immediately begin fulfilling these preconditions.
We also call upon all genuine democratic political parties, civic organizations, media, and the people of Ethiopia to unite in demanding this democratic foundation. The 2026 election can only be historic if we first build the ground upon which it can stand. Our mission for unity cannot be postponed.
Finally, we call upon Ethiopia’s international partners and friendly nations to stand with the Ethiopian people in this struggle to build a democratic system, thereby rendering a great service to our nation and its future.
Unity is Strength! A United Struggle Will Prevail!
List of Signatory Parties:
- Hibir Ethiopia Democratic Party (Hibir Ethiopia)
- All Sidama People’s Democratic Unity Party (ASPDUP)
- Balderas for Genuine Democracy (Balderas)
- Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP)
- Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP)
- Ethiopian Political Parties Joint Forum (MEDREK)
- Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
- Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)
- Wolaytta National Movement (WNM)
- Arena Tigray for Democracy and Sovereignty (Arena Tigray)
November 12, 2025, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Why Sadaasa 9 (November 9) holds a place of supreme importance in the history of the Oromo struggle for freedom?
Sadaasa 9 (November 9) holds a place of supreme importance in the modern Oromo struggle for freedom because it marks the beginning of a watershed protest movement that fundamentally transformed the nature of the resistance against the Ethiopian government.
Here is a detailed breakdown of why this date is so significant and is commemorated annually.
1. The Trigger: The “Master Plan” for Addis Ababa
The immediate catalyst was the **2006 Master Plan**, a massive urban expansion scheme by the government that aimed to annex large swathes of Oromia farmland surrounding the capital, Finfinne (Addis Ababa). For the Oromo people, this was not merely a municipal boundary adjustment; it was an **existential threat**. It meant:
* Mass Dispossession: The forced eviction of Oromo farmers from their ancestral land with little to no compensation.
* Cultural Erasure: The further erosion of Oromo identity, sovereignty, and their historical connection to Finfinne.
* Economic Marginalization: The loss of livelihood for millions, turning self-sufficient farmers into a displaced underclass.
The Master Plan was seen as the ultimate symbol of garbummaa (systemic exploitation, subjugation, and denial of Oromo rights) under the Ethiopian state.
2. The Outbreak of the Oromo Protests (Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa – FDG)
In response to this plan, widespread protests erupted spontaneously, primarily led by **Oromo youth (the Qeerroo)**. While discontent had been simmering for decades, **Sadaasa 9, 2015**, marks a pivotal moment when these protests exploded into a coordinated, mass movement.
The protests that began on and around this date were characterized by:
* Mass Mobilization: It was not led by a single political party but was a genuine grassroots uprising involving students, farmers, professionals, and elders across virtually all of Oromia.
* Strategic Non-Violence: Initially, the protests were largely peaceful, involving marches, sit-ins, and the symbolic raising of the Oromo flag.
* A Clear, Unified Message: The protests unified various Oromo grievances—political marginalization, economic exploitation, cultural suppression—under the central demand to cancel the Master Plan and secure Oromo self-rule.
3. The Government’s Brutal Crackdown and Martyrdom
The Ethiopian government’s response was swift and extremely violent. Security forces used live ammunition, mass arrests, torture, and intimidation to crush the protests.
This crackdown had a profound effect:
* Creation of Martyrs: Hundreds, and eventually thousands, of unarmed protesters were killed. Sadaasa 9 became a day to remember these wareegamtoota (martyrs) who gave their lives for the cause.
* International Spotlight: The brutal suppression drew unprecedented international attention from human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, global media, and diplomats, putting the Ethiopian government under intense scrutiny.
* Radicalization of the Movement: The violence convinced many Oromos that peaceful protest was futile, further cementing their resolve and transforming the **Qeerroo** into a formidable, disciplined force for change.
4. A Historic Turning Point
The protests that began on Sadaasa 9, 2015, ignited a fire that could not be extinguished. They:
* Shattered the Climate of Fear: For the first time in a generation, the Oromo public massively and openly defied the state.
* Forged a New Generation of Leaders: The **Qeerroo** movement demonstrated immense organizational skill and strategic patience.
* Laid the Groundwork for Political Change: The sustained pressure from these protests over the next three years critically weakened the ruling party and was the primary force that led to the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the rise of Abiy Ahmed in 2018. The **Master Plan was officially canceled** in January 2016 as a direct result of the protests.
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Summary: Why Sadaasa 9 is Commemorated
In essence, Sadaasa 9 is commemorated because it marks the birth of the Oromo Protest Movement—a decisive, transformative moment in the struggle.
* It is a Day of Remembrance: To honor the courage and sacrifice of the wareegamtootaa (martyrs) who were killed.
* It is a Day of Resistance: It symbolizes the collective rejection of garbummaa and the reclaiming of Oromo identity and agency.
* It is a Day of Resilience: It celebrates the power of a united people to challenge a repressive state and force historic political concessions.
* It is a Foundational Date for Modern Oromo Nationalism: For the Oromo youth and the diaspora, it represents their “1776” or “Sharpeville”—a defining date where their generation took center stage in the fight for their people’s future.
Therefore, Sadaasa 9 is not just a date on the calendar; it is a powerful symbol of sacrifice, unity, and the unyielding pursuit of freedom in the face of overwhelming odds.
What problems could Ethiopia’s push for sea access, which it champions as a national cause, create for the region?
This is a well-framed question that gets to the heart of a complex geopolitical issue. Ethiopia’s push for sea access, while driven by its own economic and historical imperatives, has the potential to create significant problems for the Horn of Africa region.
Here is a breakdown of the potential problems, categorized for clarity:
1. Direct Bilateral Tensions and Conflict
The most immediate risk is the escalation of disputes with neighboring countries.
· With Eritrea: Any assertion of a “right” to sea access is likely to be interpreted by Eritrea as a direct threat to its hard-won sovereignty and its ports of Assab and Massawa. This could:
· Re-ignite the dormant border conflict and military tensions.
· Scupper any chance of normalizing relations, keeping the region in a perpetual state of cold war.
· With Somalia: Any potential deal for port access or a lease in the Somali region (e.g., Somaliland) that bypasses the fragile Federal Government in Mogadishu would:
· Be seen as a violation of Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity.
· Severely undermine the federal government’s authority and fuel nationalist sentiment.
· Potentially destabilize the delicate political balance within Somalia, empowering extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, who could use it as a rallying cry.
2. Regional Destabilization and Shifting Alliances
Ethiopia’s actions could force a realignment of regional alliances, creating new fault lines.
· The Somaliland Precedent: A formal deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland would be a seismic event. It would:
· Effectively recognize Somaliland’s independence, shattering the African Union’s long-standing principle of upholding colonial-era borders (uti possidetis).
· Inflame secessionist tensions across the entire continent, setting a dangerous precedent.
· Force other regional powers (Egypt, UAE, Turkey) to take sides, potentially creating a proxy conflict.
· Red Sea Militarization: The Red Sea is already a strategic chokehold with heavy international naval presence. A desperate or assertive Ethiopian push could lead to:
· An arms build-up along coastlines as neighboring countries seek to secure their assets.
· Increased interest and intervention from non-African powers (e.g., Iran, Turkey, Gulf States) seeking to leverage the dispute for their own strategic advantage.
3. Economic and Trade Disruptions
The Horn of Africa is a critical node for global trade.
· Port Politics and Leverage: Neighboring countries like Djibouti (which hosts a major Ethiopian military base and handles ~95% of its trade) could use Ethiopia’s desperation as leverage.
· They could raise port fees or restrict access during diplomatic spats, holding the Ethiopian economy hostage.
· Disruption of Critical Sea Lanes: Any significant military conflict or sustained political instability in the region risks disrupting traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb strait, a vital passage for global shipping and energy supplies. This would have immediate international economic consequences.
4. Undermining Regional Diplomacy and Norms
Ethiopia’s approach challenges foundational principles of regional cooperation.
· Erosion of IGAD and AU Authority: By pursuing a unilateral, assertive path, Ethiopia undermines the regional bodies (IGAD, African Union) that are meant to mediate such disputes. It signals that might-makes-right is preferable to diplomatic negotiation.
· Breakdown of Trust: For decades, regional cooperation has been built on fragile trust. A forceful Ethiopian campaign to secure a port would shatter that trust, making future collaboration on shared challenges (climate change, terrorism, water management) extremely difficult.
Conclusion
In summary, Ethiopia’s championing of sea access as a national cause is not just a bilateral trade issue; it is a potential regional catalyst. It threatens to:
· Re-open old wounds with Eritrea.
· Dismember a sovereign state in Somalia.
· Shatter a foundational continental norm on border integrity.
· Trigger a new round of arms races and proxy conflicts in the strategically vital Horn of Africa.
While Ethiopia’s economic arguments have merit, the manner in which it pursues this goal will determine whether it becomes a driver of development or a source of profound and lasting regional instability.
The ‘Without Me’ Mentality and Ethiopia’s Crisis
Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
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The core argument, as articulated by Sena Jimjimo, founder of OLLAA, is that a lack of internal consensus and a toxic culture of “without me” thinking within Oromo political factions pose a significant danger to Ethiopia.
She contends that this mindset has led to a situation where:
Truth is Sacrificed for Unity: Oromo fighters avoid difficult truths with each other to maintain a superficial unity.
Individual Ambition Over Collective Good: The belief that liberation can only be achieved through a specific leader or group (“without me”) has been destructive.
Resulting Instability: This failure to build a unified, truth-based movement has ultimately made Ethiopia unsafe.
Counter-Response
While Sena Jimjimo raises valid concerns about the dangers of political fragmentation and individual ambition, her analysis risks misdiagnosing the core problem by focusing on a single group.
A more comprehensive perspective would argue that Ethiopia’s instability stems from a systemic failure to build a genuinely inclusive, multi-ethnic state, not from the internal dynamics of one community.
Here is a counter-response:
Subject: Re: Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
The challenges facing Ethiopia are complex and cannot be attributed to the internal politics of any single group. While introspection within all political movements is necessary, framing the “Oromo” or “Oromo fighters” as the primary danger is a reductive and counterproductive narrative.
The true source of Ethiopia’s instability is the decades-long, systemic failure to establish a political framework where all ethnic groups feel they have a secure and equitable stake in the nation’s future. The “without me” mentality is not an Oromo-specific issue; it is a symptom of a zero-sum political culture that has been fostered by successive central governments. When communities are historically marginalized and their demands for self-determination are met with violence or empty promises, it inevitably breeds factionalism and a desperate struggle for agency.
Furthermore, the call for “unity” must be critically examined. Too often, calls for national unity have been a pretext for suppressing legitimate grievances and enforcing assimilation. The courage to tell “the truth” that Ms. Jimjimo calls for must apply equally to all sides—including acknowledging the historical injustices that have fueled the very divisions she laments.
Therefore, the path to a safe and stable Ethiopia does not lie in singling out one group, but in addressing the foundational issues: building robust institutions that guarantee justice and equality for all, fostering a culture of genuine political compromise, and creating a shared national identity that respects and celebrates Ethiopia’s rich diversity. The solution requires a collective responsibility from all of Ethiopia’s national political forces, not a critique of one.
OLF Prepares for 7th Round Elections: Key Strategies Revealed
FINFINNE – The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is finalizing its preparations for the upcoming 7th round of national elections and is collaborating with the National Election Board to meet all requirements, according to a statement from the party.
The announcement was made by OLF Member Secretary-General Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa during a meeting at the party’s headquarters in Gullalle. He outlined the party’s strategic direction, emphasizing member duties, organizational growth, and the current political landscape.
On Party Building and Member Duties
Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa stressed that every member has a fundamental duty to recruit and mentor new members, beyond their assigned roles. “If the organization is not built, it cannot grow,” he stated, challenging each member to personally recruit at least ten individuals to strengthen the party’s structure.
He connected personal experience to collective success, noting that individuals bring diverse characteristics to the struggle. “From individual to group or union, there are those who take responsibility in the OLF struggle and bring results,” he said.
On Political Vigilance and Internal Security
The Secretary-General issued a stern warning against internal division and espionage. He urged members to report any individuals suspected of spying on the party for the government.
He also condemned members who work in multiple places or factions, describing such behavior as self-destructive. “The Irbuu (oath) is devouring,” he said, warning that those who take an oath of allegiance cannot stand in “two or three places.” He urged introspection, asking members to question their contribution to the collective cause.
On the National Political Context
Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa addressed the ongoing conflict in northern Ethiopia, expressing the participants’ concern that the war could expand into Oromia. He asserted that the OLF would not allow “Northerners to take over the country again,” and would not be a passive observer if any forces attempted to enter Oromia.
Regarding international influence, he pointed out that no one in Africa comes to power without the will of Western governments. However, he added that the OLF does not believe Western governments are currently willing to empower either Tigray or Amhara factions at the expense of Oromia.
He concluded by reaffirming the party’s position: “The OLF is in a good position, and we must fulfill our duty by turning our existence into action. The struggle is to give priority to the people first of all and to work for the interest of the people rather than personal interest.”
The meeting concluded with participants affirming that an “awakened nation is built and the built is united,” underscoring the theme of unity and mobilization.
Irreechaa Festival: Celebrating Oromo Culture in Melbourne
(Oromedia, 29 September 2025) Irreechaa celebrations in Melbourne have become a notable expression of Oromo culture, bringing the local Oromo diaspora together to honor traditional values and strengthen communal bonds.
The festival typically features blessings by elders, cultural performances, music, dancing, and communal meals, all designed to replicate the spiritual essence of Irreechaa as celebrated in Oromia.
Festival Highlights in Melbourne
– The celebration is usually held at riversides or parks—often at the iconic Wilson Botanical Garden—to maintain the symbolic tradition of giving thanks to Waaqa (God) by water.
– Community leaders and elders lead the prayers and blessings, paying homage to nature and ancestral wisdom.
– Attendees wear traditional Oromo clothing, display cultural ornaments, and use symbolic colors such as black, red, and white.
– Music, and dances (including Siiqqee and Gumii) are performed to educate and entertain both the Oromo community and local Australians.
Purpose and Impact
– The event fosters Oromo cultural identity and unity among diaspora members.
– It serves as a platform for educating younger generations about heritage and traditions, helping them maintain a connection to their roots.
– Many celebrations invite local government officials, multicultural organizations, and curious residents, encouraging mutual respect and intercultural exchange.
Growth and Community Engagement
– Participation has steadily grown, with increased efforts by local Oromo associations to expand outreach and inclusivity.
– Social media and diaspora networks play a crucial role in organizing, publicizing, and preserving the festival’s traditions, even reaching Oromo youth who may be distant from their homeland.
Irreechaa in Melbourne embodies both cultural pride and adaptation, allowing the Oromo community to sustain meaningful traditions while building bridges with the wider Australian society.
Participants took memorable photos with family, friends and each other and shared them on social media.
All those who participated in this celebration filled with love and respect are saying that they remember it with joy.
Irreechaa is a festival of wisdom that Oromo have contributed to the world community, which promotes gratitude, peace, reconciliation, hope, life, social harmony, connection, mutual assistance, sharing, harmony and morality.
𝕀𝕣𝕣𝕖𝕖𝕔𝕙𝕒𝕒: The Oromo Festival of Thanksgiving and Renewal
Every year, as the rains recede and the Ethiopian highlands begin to glow with new light, millions of Oromo people gather to give thanks. Irreechaa — literally “thanksgiving” in Afaan Oromo — is a vibrant, deeply felt festival that marks the end of the rainy season and the welcoming of a new, fertile period. It is at once spiritual ceremony, community reunion, cultural showcase, and a time for renewal.
Roots and Meaning
Irreechaa is rooted in the traditional Oromo worldview and is closely linked to the Gadaa system, the democratic social and political institution that organized Oromo life for centuries. The festival is fundamentally a ritual of gratitude to Waaqa (God) for life, health, and the bounty of the land. It affirms social bonds, renews moral commitments, and marks seasonal and generational transitions. Though its spirit is ancient, Irreechaa remains a living, adaptive tradition that continues to shape Oromo identity today.
Where and When It Happens
Irreechaa is observed across Oromia and by Oromo communities worldwide. Celebrations are usually held at natural gathering places — lakes, rivers, and meadows — where people can perform water- and earth-centered rites. The largest contemporary gatherings often take place by the lakes near Bishoftu (sometimes also called Debre Zeyit) and at other prominent riverbanks and lakes throughout the region. The timing follows the agricultural and pastoral calendar: typically at the end of the rainy season, around late September or early October in the Gregorian calendar, though exact dates may vary by locality and community.
Rituals and Practices
An Irreechaa morning is a sensory feast. People travel from villages and cities, wearing traditional dress and carrying bunches of seasonal wildflowers and fresh grasses. The ceremony is usually led by elders and by the Abbaa Gadaa (the Gadaa father or leader), who offers prayers and blessings for the coming year.
Key elements include:
– Gatherings at water: People congregate at lakeshores and riverbanks, where water symbolizes renewal and life.
– Blessings by elders: The Abbaa Gadaa or elders lift a branch of grass or flowers — a symbol of life — and sprinkle or dip it in the water, then wave or sprinkle drops over the crowd as a communal blessing.
– Songs and ululation: Traditional songs, chants, and ululations (high-pitched celebratory cries) fill the place. Music and dance are central, with both communal steps and individual expressions.
– Feasting and fellowship: Families and friends share food, exchange greetings, and reconnect after the rainy months. Coffee ceremonies, a core part of Ethiopian hospitality, often accompany gatherings.
– Symbolic gestures: The sharing and tossing of flowers or grasses into the water is a visible act of giving thanks and wishing for fertility and prosperity.
Cultural and Civic Dimensions
Though Irreechaa is primarily a spiritual and cultural event, it has also taken on civic and social significance in modern times. Festivals have been occasions for public discussion, cultural revival, and the assertion of Oromo language and identity. For the Oromo diaspora — in North America, Europe, and beyond — Irreechaa gatherings are important moments for preserving heritage and passing it to younger generations.
The festival has not been without challenges. Large crowds require careful management, and political tensions at times have added complexity to peaceful celebrations. Communities and authorities increasingly work together to ensure safety while protecting the sacred and communal nature of the festival.
Why Irreechaa Matters
Irreechaa is more than an annual party: it is a ritual that knits people to place, to each other, and to the cycles of nature. It embodies gratitude, resilience, and hope — values that resonate far beyond Oromia. For visitors and observers, Irreechaa offers a window into a rich cultural tradition that balances spirituality, social cohesion, and joyful celebration.
If You Attend
If you have the opportunity to witness or participate in Irreechaa, approach with respect:
– Dress modestly and follow local customs.
– Ask permission before taking photos, especially of elders or religious activities.
– Participate quietly and respectfully in communal moments; observe before joining.
– Be mindful of large crowds and follow safety guidance from organizers.
Irreechaa remains a powerful expression of Oromo life: a time to say thank you, to heal, to celebrate community, and to step forward together into the new season.
#Irreecha#Irreechaa#Oromo#OromoFestival#OromoCulture#OromoTradition#OromoThanksgiving#Gadaa#SirnaGadaa
Brave Women Defending Rights in Ethiopia
In a country like Ethiopia, which is built on a masculine culture, it is very rare to find women who are brave enough to fight for their rights and the rights of others. It is encouraging to see the likes of Aster Badhaanee and Masarat Dhaabaa in such a situation. It is not easy to believe in yourself and advance the position you believe in.
Absolutely. In societies with deeply rooted masculine cultures, women who stand up for their rights—and the rights of others—often face immense challenges, including social stigma, systemic barriers, and even personal risk. Figures like Aster Badhaanee and Masarat Dhaabaa (assuming these are symbolic or representative names, as they don’t correspond to widely known public figures in Ethiopia) embody the courage and resilience required to challenge oppressive norms.
Why Their Efforts Matter:
- Breaking Stereotypes – In patriarchal societies, women are often expected to conform to passive or submissive roles. Those who defy these expectations pave the way for future generations.
- Inspiring Others – When one woman takes a stand, it encourages others to do the same, creating a ripple effect of empowerment.
- Driving Systemic Change – True progress happens when individuals challenge unjust laws, traditions, and cultural norms. Women’s rights activists often push for legal reforms, education access, and economic opportunities.
- Mental & Emotional Strength – Believing in oneself despite constant pushback requires extraordinary determination. These women exemplify inner strength.
Challenges They Face:
- Backlash – From traditionalists who see gender equality as a threat.
- Limited Support – Lack of institutional backing or funding for women-led movements.
- Safety Risks – Activism can lead to harassment, violence, or imprisonment in some cases.
Moving Forward:
- Amplifying Voices – Supporting and sharing the stories of brave women in Ethiopia and beyond.
- Solidarity – Men and women must work together to dismantle harmful gender norms.
- Policy Advocacy – Ensuring legal protections for women’s rights activists.
Women like Aster and Masarat (whether real or symbolic) remind us that change is possible, even in the toughest environments. Their bravery is a beacon of hope for gender equality in Ethiopia and similar societies.
A beacon of hope for gender equality in Ethiopia
Ethiopia has a rich history of strong women who have fought for justice, equality, and human rights—despite the challenges of a patriarchal society. Today, several Ethiopian women activists and movements are making significant impacts in politics, gender equality, media, and social justice. Here are some notable figures and groups:
**1. ** Meaza Ashenafi
- Role: First female Chief Justice of Ethiopia’s Federal Supreme Court (2018–2023), women’s rights lawyer.
- Contributions:
- Founded the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA), which provides free legal aid to women and advocates for gender-sensitive laws.
- Played a key role in drafting Ethiopia’s reformed family law, which raised the legal marriage age and strengthened women’s property rights.
- Impact: Her work has helped countless women escape abusive marriages, secure child support, and fight workplace discrimination.
**2. ** Birtukan Mideksa
- Role: Former judge, political leader, and chairperson of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) (2018–2023).
- Contributions:
- Advocated for democratic reforms and fair elections.
- Survived imprisonment (2005–2007, 2008–2010) for her opposition activism.
- Impact: She brought credibility to Ethiopia’s electoral process and inspired women in politics.
**3. ** Sehin Teferra
- Role: Feminist activist and co-founder of Setaweet, Ethiopia’s first feminist movement.
- Contributions:
- Setaweet (meaning “womanism”) challenges gender norms through research, advocacy, and public campaigns.
- Focuses on issues like sexual harassment, domestic violence, and women’s economic empowerment.
- Impact: Sparked national conversations on feminism and pushed for policy changes on gender-based violence.
**4. ** Mahlet Hailu (Mahlet Fikresilassie)
- Role: Digital rights activist and co-founder of Zega Women, a platform for women in tech.
- Contributions:
- Advocates for internet freedom and women’s digital inclusion.
- Fights against online harassment of women.
- Impact: Empowers young Ethiopian women in STEM and digital activism.
**5. ** Tsion Aklilu
- Role: Disability rights activist and founder of Menschen für Menschen’s Inclusive Education Program.
- Contributions:
- Works to ensure education access for girls with disabilities.
- Challenges societal stigma against disabled women.
- Impact: Helps marginalized girls gain education and economic independence.
**6. ** Women’s Movements & Collectives
- Yellow Movement (Addis Ababa University): A student-led feminist group advocating against gender-based violence.
- Network of Ethiopian Women’s Associations (NEWA): Umbrella organization pushing for policy reforms.
- Taitu Women’s Café & Cultural Center: A safe space for women artists, entrepreneurs, and activists.
Challenges They Face:
- Backlash from traditionalists (e.g., online smear campaigns, threats).
- Limited funding for women-led NGOs.
- Legal & bureaucratic hurdles in registering feminist organizations.
Why Their Work Matters:
These women are not just activists—they are shapers of a new Ethiopia, where gender equality becomes a reality rather than an aspiration. Their courage in the face of adversity is transforming laws, mindsets, and opportunities for future generations.
The Ituu Oromo and the Gadaa Hususaa: A Pivotal Ceremony of Resilience (1934)
1. Historical Context: The Breakdown and Revival of Gadaa in Ituu**
By 1934, the Ituu Oromo—like many Oromo communities—faced severe disruptions to their traditional **Gadaa system** due to external pressures (e.g., colonization, marginalization). Despite this, the *Gumi* (assembly of Gadaa leaders) demonstrated remarkable resilience by adapting their practices to preserve Oromo governance and identity.
### **2. The Hususaa Gadaa Ceremony: Ritual and Resistance**
The **Hususaa Gadaa** (meaning “conversation” or “proclamation”) was a critical ceremonial event where the Ituu Oromo:
– **Performed rituals** to reinvigorate the Gadaa system amid its breakdown.
– **Issued decrees** and made appointments to uphold Oromo law and social order.
– **Relied on Dhooysa** (ritual leaders) to conduct the ceremonies, ensuring cultural continuity.
This was not merely a ritual—it was an **act of defiance** to maintain autonomy under duress.
### **3. Archival Evidence: The 1934 Frobenius Institute Record**
The ceremony was documented in **1934 by Henry de Monfreid** and archived at the *Frobenius Institute*. This rare footage/report captures:
– The **symbolic explosions** (or invocations) used in the rituals.
– The **formal proclamations** by Gadaa leaders.
– The **cultural hybridity** of the event, blending traditional Oromo practices with adaptations to contemporary challenges.
*Note:* The Frobenius archives remain a vital resource for reconstructing Oromo history during this era.
### **4. Why This Matters Today**
The Hususaa Gadaa of 1934 exemplifies:
**Adaptive resistance**: How the Oromo preserved Gadaa despite systemic oppression.
**Cultural sovereignty**: The Ituu Oromo’s refusal to let their governance systems be erased.
**Historical validation**: Archival proof counters narratives that marginalize Oromo institutions.
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### **Suggested Next Steps for Research/Advocacy:**
1. **Locate the Frobenius footage/report** to analyze its full contents.
2. **Compare with oral histories** from Ituu elders to fill gaps in the record.
3. **Highlight this case** in discussions about Oromo resilience and indigenous governance.
Would you like assistance drafting a formal request to access the Frobenius archives?
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**Key Improvements:**
– **Clear timeline and context** for readers unfamiliar with Ituu Oromo history.
– **Emphasizes the ceremony’s political significance** (not just cultural).
– **Links past to present**—useful for advocacy or academic work.
– **Actionable steps** to deepen research.
Reviving the Gada System: A Cultural Heritage Initiative
The Sikkoo-Mandoo Conference represents a significant effort to revitalize the **Gada system**, a cornerstone of Oromo cultural and political heritage, which faced suppression during the mid-20th century under Ethiopian regimes. Here’s a structured breakdown of the context, significance, and implications:
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1. The Gada System: Historical Overview
– What is Gada?
The Gada system is a traditional **democratic governance system** practiced by the Oromo people for centuries. It organizes society into age-based cohorts (*gogessa*), with leadership rotating every 8 years. Key principles include accountability, consensus-building, and environmental stewardship.
– Cultural Significance:
Beyond governance, Gada encompasses Oromo spirituality, conflict resolution, and social identity, recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016.
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2. Suppression in the 1940s
– Ethiopian Centralization:
Under Emperor Haile Selassie (ruled 1930–1974), Ethiopia pursued centralization policies that marginalized ethnic identities and traditional systems like Gada. The regime promoted Amhara-centric culture and governance, leading to the erosion of Oromo institutions.
– Impact:
Gada was suppressed through land reforms (*gulma*), bans on Oromo language (Afaan Oromoo), and dismantling of indigenous leadership structures. By the 1940s, the system became largely dormant, though preserved orally in rural communities.
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3. The Sikkoo-Mandoo Conference: Revival Efforts
– Purpose:
The conference aims to **reclaim Oromo identity** by restoring Gada’s role in modern governance and cultural practices. It reflects broader Oromo activism for self-determination and cultural preservation.
– Key Themes:
– Reintegrating Gada principles (e.g., rotational leadership, environmental ethics) into contemporary governance.
– Addressing historical marginalization through education and language revitalization.
– Leveraging Gada as a framework for **conflict resolution** amid Ethiopia’s ethnic tensions.
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4. Challenges and Opportunities
– Political Context:
Ethiopia’s federal system allows ethnic regions autonomy, but tensions persist between central authority and ethnic nationalism. The Abiy Ahmed government (2018–present), while Oromo-led, faces criticism over balancing unity and ethnic rights.
– Obstacles:
– Modernization and urbanization eroding traditional practices.
– Skepticism from younger generations or those favoring Western-style democracy.
– Potential clashes with Ethiopia’s legal and political frameworks.
– Opportunities:
– Strengthening community cohesion and cultural pride.
– Offering alternative models of participatory democracy and sustainability.
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5. Broader Implications
– Cultural Renaissance:
The revival is part of a pan-Oromo movement seen in events like Irreecha (thanksgiving festival) and the resurgence of Afaan Oromoo in media/education.
– Ethiopian Federalism:
Success could inspire other ethnic groups to reclaim traditions, testing Ethiopia’s commitment to multicultural federalism. Conversely, it may fuel centralist fears of fragmentation.
Conclusion
The Sikkoo-Mandoo Conference symbolizes the Oromo people’s resilience in reclaiming their heritage. While challenges remain, the Gada revival intersects with global movements for indigenous rights and decolonization, offering lessons in balancing tradition with modernity. Its success may depend on dialogue with Ethiopia’s government and integration into broader national frameworks.
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