The Case for Dual Citizenship in Ethiopia
In our increasingly interconnected world, the Ethiopian diaspora represents a vast reservoir of talent, capital, and cultural richness. To fully harness this potential, the Ethiopian government should formally recognize dual citizenship. This policy shift is a strategic imperative for national development, moving beyond outdated notions of exclusive allegiance to embrace a more inclusive and pragmatic vision of Ethiopian identity.
The current denial of dual citizenship creates an artificial and counterproductive divide. It forces a choice between a new life abroad and a fundamental connection to their homeland, stifling the very contributions the nation needs. The benefits of reform are clear and compelling:
- Economic Growth:ย Dual citizenship would unlock significant investment. By granting diaspora Ethiopians the full rights and security of citizenship, they would be empowered to invest more confidently in businesses, real estate, and the stock market, directly fueling entrepreneurship and economic growth.
- Knowledge and Cultural Exchange:ย This policy would fortify the bonds of culture and knowledge. It facilitates the seamless flow of ideas, skills, and heritage, ensuring that future generations remain connected to their roots and actively engaged in Ethiopia’s cultural and intellectual landscape.
- Political Engagement and Unity:ย Granting dual citizenship integrates the diaspora into the nation’s democratic fabric. It provides a formal voice in Ethiopiaโs future, transforming alienation into engagement and fostering a stronger, more unified global Ethiopian community.
- Global Competitiveness:ย Ethiopia is currently an outlier. Many nations across Africa and the world actively leverage dual citizenship to engage their diaspora. To compete for global talent and investment, Ethiopia must modernize its citizenship laws and join this progressive trend.
Ultimately, accepting dual citizenship is more than a legal updateโit is a profound commitment to inclusivity and progress. It is a recognition that the strength of a nation lies not only within its borders but also in the hands of its global citizens. By embracing its diaspora, Ethiopia can unlock a new chapter of development, unity, and shared prosperity.
The Gada System: A Living Legacy Passed to a New Generation
The Gada system is the proud heritage of the Oromo people. It is a system of bravery and discipline, founded on structured laws, principles, and timelines.
For over a century, the succession of Gada assemblies faced suppression and was pushed to the brink of being lost to the harsh pressures of the time. However, because our people held steadfast to their system and culture, it has not only been revived but has also gained worldwide recognition. As is well known, the Gada system is registered by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.
The Guji Oromo have played an exceptional role in preserving this system to the present day. For the Guji, Gada is not just for the leaders; the entire community forms the foundation of this system. As evidence, since 1424 [2012 EC], the Guji have recorded every Abbaa Gada who has led them through successive generations, without significant error or omission. In that year, following established tradition, they gathered at Me’ee Bokkoo for the transfer of power (Baallii), establishing laws and conducting various rituals and ceremonies.
In accordance with Oromo law and tradition, the assembly sat continuously at Me’ee Bokkoo for the past seven days. They established and proclaimed the nine articles of “The Wayyooma Waaqaa Lafaa and the Bulii Olii of Sons and Daughters.” This assembly has a father. Its father is Abbaa Gadaa Jiloo Maandhoo. He was the 74th Haaganaa, or General Abbaa Gadaa, of the Guji.
The process for the 75th Baallii transfer has been completed. Abbaa Gadaa Jiloo Maandhoo has concluded his term and received his honor (daraaraa). He was celebrated with the verse:
โHoo’aa mi’ii gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa itittuu gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa areera gadaa tiyyaa
Hoo’aa daraaraa gadaa tiyyaaโ
(Farewell, the council of my Gada; / Farewell, the foundation of my Gada; / Farewell, the legacy of my Gada; / Farewell, the honor of my Gada.)
The Gada power has moved from Gadaa Harmuufa to Gadaa Roobalee. Abbaa Gadaa Jaarsoo Dhugoo has received the Baallii! The former Abbaa Gadaa, Jiloo Maandhoo, has become an elder! The door has been closed! The door is now closed!
This is how the Oromo people have brought the Gada system to this day. As a member of this generation, witnessing the Gada assembly at Me’ee Bokkoo and the peaceful transfer of power for the 75th time filled me with immense joy.
The core mission of our Reformist Government is to restore the Oromo people to their culture and identity. Consequently, we are focusing significant effort on revitalizing it for the benefit of our society. The Gada system is being integrated into the educational curriculum, taught from primary school levels. At the higher education level, we are encouraging research leading to Master’s and PhD degrees.
Furthermore, we are working to re-establish and institutionalize Gada values. By drawing from its philosophy, we have established the Cultural Court of Law to ensure restorative justice. We have institutionalized community service to strengthen social bonds.
To foster mutual support and responsibility, we have re-established the Buusaa Gonofaa system. Going a step further, we are providing nutritious meals to schoolchildren, building a healthy future generation. We are establishing the Gaachana Sirnaa (Security Institutions) to ensure public safety. In the future, these civic institutions will continue to expand their reach and efficiency.
Me’ee Bokkoo is a sacred site. For generations, it has been a center for legislative debate and judicial verdicts. Because it is where the Gada assembly convenes for the transfer of power, it is the parliamentary center for the Guji Oromo. It is a place of respect and cleanliness. This is why the Guji invoke the name of Me’ee Bokkoo when they pray to Waaqaa.
In this spirit, the Oromia Regional Government announces that the ceremony for the 76th Baallii transfer will be preceded by the construction of a grand amphitheater at Me’ee Bokkoo, as a cultural center.
I extend my congratulationsโbaga geessanโto the Guji people and all Oromo people, for successfully reaching the 75th Gada transfer at Me’ee Bokkoo. My hope and vision for the coming years is that it will be a time when our culture flourishes and our identity is fully restored.
Gadaan quufaa gabbina (The Gada of Quufa is prosperity);
Gadaan Roobalee misa (The Gada of Roobalee is honey).
Horaa Bulaa; Deebanaa! (The Hora of Bulaa shall return!)
President of the Oromia Regional Government
Ethiopian Opposition Calls for Fair 2026 Election Conditions
Press Release: Ethiopian Opposition Parties Outline Fundamental Preconditions for a Credible 2026 Election
Addis Ababa, November 12, 2025 โ The undersigned coalition of Ethiopian opposition parties has closely monitored the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia’s (NEBE) preliminary activities concerning the 2026 General Election.
While we acknowledge this as a procedural step, we state unequivocally: in the complete absence of a democratic foundation in Ethiopia today, and without a guaranteed conducive environment, this exercise is a hollow and meaningless endeavor.
Historically, Ethiopian elections have been political performances designed to legitimize an authoritarian system. They have been neither free nor fair, their results neither credible nor publicly accepted. Consequently, they have exacerbated conflict and instability rather than resolving the nation’s profound political crises. A genuine election must be an expression of citizens’ democratic rights, not a tool for rulers to consolidate power.
Therefore, for the 2026 election to represent a genuine step toward lasting peace and a decisive break from this past, we insist that creating a conducive environment is not optional, but an absolute prerequisite. Before any discussion of an electoral calendar can begin, the Ethiopian government must take immediate and concrete action on the following non-negotiable foundational conditions:
1. An Inclusive National Dialogue and Political Settlement
The government must immediately initiate a comprehensive political dialogue with all opposition parties, including those in exile and armed struggle, to agree on a shared roadmap for a genuine democratic transition. An election held without prior national consensus on the nation’s existential issues will only deepen the crisis and cannot produce a legitimate outcome.
2. An End to Armed Conflict and Guaranteed Security
The devastating wars in Oromia, Amhara, Tigray, Afar, and beyond must be brought to a swift, permanent, and verifiable end. Peace and security are the bedrock of any credible election. All parties, candidates, voters, and observers must be able to operate freely and safely across the entire country.
3. The Unconditional Opening of Political Space
The government must immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners. Hundreds of illegally shuttered opposition party offices must be reopened, and the systematic harassment and intimidation of political opponents must cease. Participating in an election while our leaders are imprisoned and our offices are closed is not a credible democratic process.
4. Fundamental Institutional and Legal Reforms
We question the capacity and independence of the NEBE and demand its reconstitutionโfrom the board level to polling station staffโthrough a transparent, consensus-based process with full political party participation. The electoral law must be fundamentally amended to ensure a fair, inclusive, and proportional system, including the removal of the restrictive support signature requirement.
5. Guaranteed Neutrality of State Institutions
A legally binding agreement must ensure the tangible neutrality of all security forces (defense, police, intelligence) and the judiciary. These institutions must serve the constitution and the nation, not the ruling party. A secure environment where citizens can vote without fear is non-negotiable.
6. Unfettered Press Freedom
The persecution of journalists must end, and all legal barriers stifling independent media must be removed. All local and international media must have equal access to information and polling stations, and face no restrictions on dissemination.
7. Robust Observation by Domestic and International Monitors
The government must legally guarantee the unhindered participation of credible domestic and international observers throughout the entire electoral process. The NEBE’s deployment of unvetted “domestic observers” is insufficient and will not guarantee credibility.
A Call for Verification and Unity
To ensure these are not empty words, the fulfillment of these conditions must be verified by independent international actors, including the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), and United Nations (UN). Public trust must be built through reliable agreements among all electoral stakeholders.
We therefore issue a collective call to the government and ruling party to immediately begin fulfilling these preconditions.
We also call upon all genuine democratic political parties, civic organizations, media, and the people of Ethiopia to unite in demanding this democratic foundation. The 2026 election can only be historic if we first build the ground upon which it can stand. Our mission for unity cannot be postponed.
Finally, we call upon Ethiopia’s international partners and friendly nations to stand with the Ethiopian people in this struggle to build a democratic system, thereby rendering a great service to our nation and its future.
Unity is Strength! A United Struggle Will Prevail!
List of Signatory Parties:
- Hibir Ethiopia Democratic Party (Hibir Ethiopia)
- All Sidama People’s Democratic Unity Party (ASPDUP)
- Balderas for Genuine Democracy (Balderas)
- Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP)
- Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP)
- Ethiopian Political Parties Joint Forum (MEDREK)
- Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
- Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)
- Wolaytta National Movement (WNM)
- Arena Tigray for Democracy and Sovereignty (Arena Tigray)
November 12, 2025, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
What problems could Ethiopia’s push for sea access, which it champions as a national cause, create for the region?
This is a well-framed question that gets to the heart of a complex geopolitical issue. Ethiopia’s push for sea access, while driven by its own economic and historical imperatives, has the potential to create significant problems for the Horn of Africa region.
Here is a breakdown of the potential problems, categorized for clarity:
1. Direct Bilateral Tensions and Conflict
The most immediate risk is the escalation of disputes with neighboring countries.
ยท With Eritrea: Any assertion of a “right” to sea access is likely to be interpreted by Eritrea as a direct threat to its hard-won sovereignty and its ports of Assab and Massawa. This could:
ยท Re-ignite the dormant border conflict and military tensions.
ยท Scupper any chance of normalizing relations, keeping the region in a perpetual state of cold war.
ยท With Somalia: Any potential deal for port access or a lease in the Somali region (e.g., Somaliland) that bypasses the fragile Federal Government in Mogadishu would:
ยท Be seen as a violation of Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity.
ยท Severely undermine the federal government’s authority and fuel nationalist sentiment.
ยท Potentially destabilize the delicate political balance within Somalia, empowering extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, who could use it as a rallying cry.
2. Regional Destabilization and Shifting Alliances
Ethiopia’s actions could force a realignment of regional alliances, creating new fault lines.
ยท The Somaliland Precedent: A formal deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland would be a seismic event. It would:
ยท Effectively recognize Somaliland’s independence, shattering the African Union’s long-standing principle of upholding colonial-era borders (uti possidetis).
ยท Inflame secessionist tensions across the entire continent, setting a dangerous precedent.
ยท Force other regional powers (Egypt, UAE, Turkey) to take sides, potentially creating a proxy conflict.
ยท Red Sea Militarization: The Red Sea is already a strategic chokehold with heavy international naval presence. A desperate or assertive Ethiopian push could lead to:
ยท An arms build-up along coastlines as neighboring countries seek to secure their assets.
ยท Increased interest and intervention from non-African powers (e.g., Iran, Turkey, Gulf States) seeking to leverage the dispute for their own strategic advantage.
3. Economic and Trade Disruptions
The Horn of Africa is a critical node for global trade.
ยท Port Politics and Leverage: Neighboring countries like Djibouti (which hosts a major Ethiopian military base and handles ~95% of its trade) could use Ethiopia’s desperation as leverage.
ยท They could raise port fees or restrict access during diplomatic spats, holding the Ethiopian economy hostage.
ยท Disruption of Critical Sea Lanes: Any significant military conflict or sustained political instability in the region risks disrupting traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb strait, a vital passage for global shipping and energy supplies. This would have immediate international economic consequences.
4. Undermining Regional Diplomacy and Norms
Ethiopia’s approach challenges foundational principles of regional cooperation.
ยท Erosion of IGAD and AU Authority: By pursuing a unilateral, assertive path, Ethiopia undermines the regional bodies (IGAD, African Union) that are meant to mediate such disputes. It signals that might-makes-right is preferable to diplomatic negotiation.
ยท Breakdown of Trust: For decades, regional cooperation has been built on fragile trust. A forceful Ethiopian campaign to secure a port would shatter that trust, making future collaboration on shared challenges (climate change, terrorism, water management) extremely difficult.
Conclusion
In summary, Ethiopia’s championing of sea access as a national cause is not just a bilateral trade issue; it is a potential regional catalyst. It threatens to:
ยท Re-open old wounds with Eritrea.
ยท Dismember a sovereign state in Somalia.
ยท Shatter a foundational continental norm on border integrity.
ยท Trigger a new round of arms races and proxy conflicts in the strategically vital Horn of Africa.
While Ethiopia’s economic arguments have merit, the manner in which it pursues this goal will determine whether it becomes a driver of development or a source of profound and lasting regional instability.
The ‘Without Me’ Mentality and Ethiopia’s Crisis
Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
===============================
The core argument, as articulated by Sena Jimjimo, founder of OLLAA, is that a lack of internal consensus and a toxic culture of “without me” thinking within Oromo political factions pose a significant danger to Ethiopia.
She contends that this mindset has led to a situation where:
Truth is Sacrificed for Unity: Oromo fighters avoid difficult truths with each other to maintain a superficial unity.
Individual Ambition Over Collective Good: The belief that liberation can only be achieved through a specific leader or group (“without me”) has been destructive.
Resulting Instability: This failure to build a unified, truth-based movement has ultimately made Ethiopia unsafe.
Counter-Response
While Sena Jimjimo raises valid concerns about the dangers of political fragmentation and individual ambition, her analysis risks misdiagnosing the core problem by focusing on a single group.
A more comprehensive perspective would argue that Ethiopia’s instability stems from a systemic failure to build a genuinely inclusive, multi-ethnic state, not from the internal dynamics of one community.
Here is a counter-response:
Subject: Re: Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
The challenges facing Ethiopia are complex and cannot be attributed to the internal politics of any single group. While introspection within all political movements is necessary, framing the “Oromo” or “Oromo fighters” as the primary danger is a reductive and counterproductive narrative.
The true source of Ethiopia’s instability is the decades-long, systemic failure to establish a political framework where all ethnic groups feel they have a secure and equitable stake in the nation’s future. The “without me” mentality is not an Oromo-specific issue; it is a symptom of a zero-sum political culture that has been fostered by successive central governments. When communities are historically marginalized and their demands for self-determination are met with violence or empty promises, it inevitably breeds factionalism and a desperate struggle for agency.
Furthermore, the call for “unity” must be critically examined. Too often, calls for national unity have been a pretext for suppressing legitimate grievances and enforcing assimilation. The courage to tell “the truth” that Ms. Jimjimo calls for must apply equally to all sidesโincluding acknowledging the historical injustices that have fueled the very divisions she laments.
Therefore, the path to a safe and stable Ethiopia does not lie in singling out one group, but in addressing the foundational issues: building robust institutions that guarantee justice and equality for all, fostering a culture of genuine political compromise, and creating a shared national identity that respects and celebrates Ethiopia’s rich diversity. The solution requires a collective responsibility from all of Ethiopia’s national political forces, not a critique of one.
President Afwerkiโs Disappointing Remarks on Oromummaa
By Zelalem Negassa
The internet is abuzz following President Isaias Afwerkiโs recent speech commemorating the 34th anniversary of Eritreaโs independence. While his address touched on a range of global and regional issues, one particular remark struck a deep and troubling chord for me: his dismissal of Oromummaa as part of an externally driven destabilization agenda.
Such a statement reveals either a profound ignorance of Oromo history and identity (which I doubt on his part) or a calculated attempt to delegitimize one of the most significant indigenous movements in the Horn of Africa. As Oromo nationalists, we must collectively and unequivocally reject this distortion and reaffirm both the authenticity and legitimacy of Oromummaa as the rightful expression of our peopleโs journey toward justice, dignity, and self-determination. Oromo community, scholarly, professional, and civic organizations should raise their voices and ensure that the Eritrean people understand our deep disappointment with their leaderโs betrayal. Moreover, President Afwerkiโs deliberate or careless conflation of Oromummaa with the ideology of the Prosperity Party (PP) must be corrected without delay. Oromummaa is not a state-sponsored doctrine like MEDEMER. It is a people-rooted identity forged through struggle, not power. Misrepresenting it undermines not only Oromo aspirations but also regional understanding and trust.
President Afwerkiโs claim that Oromummaa โdoes not represent the Oromo peopleโ is not only factually incorrect, it is deeply offensive. More importantly, who gave him the authority to speak on behalf of the Oromo people? This is the same man who hosted the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in Eritrea for years, not out of solidarity, but seemingly as a strategic pawn, keeping the movement inactive while waiting for an opportune moment to bargain. That moment came in 2018, when he handed over OLF leaders to the Ethiopian government in a move that many rightly view as a betrayal. Oromummaa is not an invention of foreign powers. It is a homegrown cultural and political consciousness grounded in the Oromo peopleโs values, language, Gadaa system, and collective memory. It emerged organically as a response to a century of marginalization under successive regimes, and it now serves as a unifying force among Oromos across religion, region, and generation.
His comments have already sparked widespread responses from Oromo voices, including outlets like Oromia Dispatch and scholars such as Dr. Mebratu Kelecha, who have rightfully condemned the characterization and challenged other problematic claims in his speech. These responses reflect a growing awareness within the Oromo public of the importance of defending our narrative and confronting external efforts to distort it.
To President Afwerki, I would offer this reminder: once, Eritreans too were told they were not a real people, that their language was an invention. That their struggle for independence was orchestrated by foreign hands (Ya Arab kitrenyoch). They were mocked, dismissed, and delegitimized. History proved those voices wrong.
It will do so again, this time, with respect to Oromummaa. No amount of propaganda, denial, or geopolitical spin can silence a people who have found their voice, reclaimed their history, and are determined to shape their future.
Ethiopia’s Crisis: Human Rights Violations in Oromia
The 10 April report from the Oromia Support Group is shocking. Among unprecedented levels of human rights violations, it documents increasing persecution of Oromo youth, the Qeerroo generation which propelled Abiy Ahmed to power, with page after page of documented killings.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmedโs security forces โ the ENDF, regional police forces and poorly trained militia โ are taking punitive measures against Oromo civilians, killing young and old, destroying homes and looting livestock to deter the population from supporting the Oromo Liberation Army.
Report 69 includes information about areas which usually receive little attention such as the zones of Guji and West Guji. But nowhere in Oromia Region is safe or secure.
Ordinary people in urban and rural settings are suffering unsustainable levels of taxation and abuse. Farmers are made to sell their grain to the government at prices below market value. Villagers are forced at gunpoint to provide their children as conscripts, to pay taxes and fees for construction, and to arm and sustain the federal army and militia at district and kebele levels. Undisciplined militia live off the populace, demanding money and goods in addition to spurious fees for party membership, uniforms, ammunition and โhealth insurance.โ
Lawlessness and a dog-eat-dog mentality pervades rural Ethiopia. Villagers and townsfolk in areas adjacent to Amhara Region, especially Horo Guduru and East Wallega, but also zones of Showa and within the Oromia Special Zone in Amhara Region, are also subjected to group killings and looting by Fano militants, originally from Amhara Region but now operating from bases in Oromia.
The ideology of Fano โto make Amhara great againโ denies history and portrays the Prosperity Party regime as an โOromo governmentโ to justify its acts of ethnic cleansing in Oromia Region. Meanwhile, the populace in Amhara Region suffers attacks and reprisal killings from ENDF and Fano forces in the zero-sum game of absolute domination which has bedevilled the Ethiopian empire since its formation.
The current instability and mayhem is unsustainable. Ethiopiaโs survival as a state depends on a negotiated peace between the government, Amhara and Oromo forces.
Dr Trevor Trueman, Chair, Oromia Support Group, 10 April 2025.
Oromedia 