แจแแญแถแฝ แแแแ แจแแฅแณ แแตแตแ
แ แขแตแฎแตแซ แแแ แแตแแ แแญแซ แแแซแแต แจแแซแตแฝแ แแแณแแฝแ แตแแแแ แญ แจแฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แจแฐแฐแ แแแฃแ แจแแซ แแแแซ
*************
แแ แแแ แชแซ แดแแญแซแฒ แ แญแฐแแแค แ2018 แ.แ แแญแซ แจแฐแแแจแแ แฅแแ แตแแด แ แตแแแญแถ แจแแญแซ แแฐแฑ แจแแแแฉ แ แแต แแฐแจแณแ แแปแปแซแแฝ แฅแแฒแฐแจแ แ แแซ แฅแแ แญแแแแข
แฅแ แตแแฝแ แจแฅแญ แจแฐแแจแแจแ แจแฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แฅแแซแ แแญแซ แฆแญแต แ2018 แ.แ.แ แ แแ แแญแซ แฅแซแฐแจแ แซแแแ แฅแแ แตแแด แ แ แญแ แต แฅแจแฐแจแณแฐแแ แแแกแก แญแ แแ แจแ แฐแซแญ แแฐแต แจแฆแญแฑ แฐแแฃแญแ แแแแแต แ แแปแญ แจแแแแแแฅ แขแแแแฃ แแฌ แ แขแตแฎแตแซ แแตแฅ แแแ แ แญแแต แจแดแแญแซแฒแซแ แแฐแต แแฐแจแต แ แแแ แต แแแณแค แ แฐแแแจแ แฅแแ แตแแด แ แตแปแญ แแแณแแฝ แแแซแธแ แฃแแฐแจแแแ แ แต แฅแจแฑ แแ แตแญแแ แ แแฃ แแแแ แ แแแ แแแแญ แฅแแแแแแแข
แแฐแแต แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แแญแซแแฝ แ แแแญแฃ แ แ แแญแ แ แแฃแแแแ แแแ แจแแแฒแซ แตแญแแต แ แแแแตแ แแแแ แต แจแแฐแจแ แจแแแฒแซ แตแแแแฝ แแแ แแญแฐแแแข แฅแแแ แซแแแต แแญแซแแฝ แ แแฐแณแธแ แแแฃแแตแแแ แ แณแณแแฃ แ แแคแณแธแแ แฐแฃแแแ แ แ แแฅ แฐแแฃแญแแต แซแแ แ แแแ แฉแแข
แ แแ แ แแญแแซแต แจแแแชแฑแ แฅแแ แจแแแฒแซ แฝแแฎแฝ แจแแแณแต แญแแ แจแแญแตแ แซแแแจแแแต แ แแชแตแ แฒแซแฃแฅแฑ แแญแฐแแแข แฅแแแณแ แแญแซ แจแแแฝ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แแฅแต แแแแซ แฅแแ แจแแขแแฝ แฅแแฃแ แแตแจแแซ แแแ แ แญแแฃแ:: แตแแแแ แจ2018 แ.แ. แแญแซ แซแแแ แณแชแญ แจแฐแแจแ แ แตแฐแแแ แฐแแ แแแแแฃแต แจแแซแตแฝแ แฅแแแฐแ แฅแญแแ แฅแแฒแแแค แแน แแแณ แแแ แญ แ แแซแญ แณแญแแ แ แตแ แแแณ แแแแ แ แ แญแจแ แฅแแณแตแฃแแ แกแก
แตแแแแ แแแซแฝแ แตแแแญแซ แแแฐ แซแญแณแ/ แแฐแฑแ แแ แจแแ แฐแแณแ แตแญแแ แฃแแ แฐแจแ แจแแแซแจแท แ แแต แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แแแแตแต แ แแจแฐแแต แจแแญแณแแ แแฐแจแณแ แแแณแแฝ แแญ แ แแฃแแ แฐแจแฃแญ แฅแญแแแแฝแ แฅแแฒแแตแต แฅแช แฅแแแญแฃแแแข แฅแ แฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แ แขแตแฎแตแซ แแตแฅ แแแฃ แแตแแแ แฐแแแแแต แซแแ แแญแซ แแซแแต แจแแฝแแ แแฐแจแณแ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แแแณแแฝ แฒแแ แฅแป แแแแ แ แฐแฐแแแ แ แแซแ แ แฐแแ แ แตแแณแตแฅ แแญแฐแแแข แ แแแแ แ แแแ แแฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แแญแซ แแซแแต แแณแ แแธแ แจแแแแธแ แจแแจแฐแแต แ แตแ แแแณแแฝ แฅแแฒแแ แ แฅแฅแแ แฅแแ แญแแแแกแก
1. แแแ แ แแ แจแแแฒแซ แตแญแตแญ
แแแแตแต แจแแแ แฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แแญ แ แฅแแแฐแ แจแดแแญแซแฒแซแ แฝแแแญ แจแแซ แแแฐ-แซแญแณ แแญ แแแตแแแต แจแแซแตแฝแ แ แแฃแแ แแแ แ แแ แแแฒแซแ แแญแญแต แแแแญ แ แแ แตแข แแญแซ แจแแซแแฑ แ แแต แ แตแฐแตแ แ แตแฅแ แตแแ แจแแแแตแ แจแแฎ แ แแแ แจแแแฒแซ แแญแแฝแ แฃแแตแญแป แ แซแแต แแซแจแ แแแ แ แแ แแญแญแต แ แแตแจแ แฅแแซแ แแแฃแฃแต แแแ แญแ แแญแ แแแจแต แ แตแแแ แแแข แ แแแชแฑ แ แแแฅแแข แแณแฎแฝ แแญ แฐแ แแญแญแตแ แตแญแตแญ แณแญแฐแจแแ แตแแแแต แแญ แณแญแฐแจแต แจแแซแแต แแญแซ แจแแแฒแซ แแแฑแ แจแแฃแฃแต แแช แแแตแ แแซแแฃ แ แญแฝแแแ แ แตแญแตแญ แตแแแแต แแญ แแฐแจแต แญแแฃแแข
2. แจแแญแถแฝ แแแแ แจแแฅแณ แแตแตแ
แแแแฅแต แจแแแชแฑแ แ แแ แธแฅแณ แจแแจแแแฅ แแณแแ แแแ แฐแแฃแญแ แแแแแฑ แขแแแ แ แฆแฎแแซแฃ แ แ แแซแฃแ แตแแซแญแฃ แ แ แแญแ แ แแแฝ แจแแแชแฑ แญแแแฝ แฅแจแฐแซแแฑ แซแ แ แแณแ แฆแญแแถแฝแ แแญแถแฝ แฅแจแฐแฐแแแ แฅแจแจแ แแแกแก แญแ แฅแแแณ แ แ แแฃแแฃ แ แแแแตแ แ แแจแแแฅ แแแฉ แแแ แ แแ แตแข แฐแแแ แแฅแณ แแแแแแ แ แตแฐแแแ แแญแซ แแฐแจแต แฒแแแฃ แแญแฒแแฝแ แฅแฉแแปแธแแฃ แแซแฎแฝแฃ แแแแฐแ แณแแขแแฝแ แจแฒแแญแซแฒ แฐแแแต/ แแแแ แฅแแแ แ แแ แแแชแฑ แ แแแแตแ แ แฐแ แแแต แแแแณแแต แแแญแซแ แฐแฃแแแแตแฃ แฐแแฃแญแแตแ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแแแต แแณแ แแธแแข
3. แจแแแฒแซ แแ แณแฉ แซแ แแแ แ แตแ แแแณ แแจแแต
แแแแตแต แ แแแ แ แแ แณแตแจแ แจแแแ แจแแแฒแซ แแญแฒ แ แแซแฎแฝแ แ แฃแแตแ แจแแฎ แแแแ แจแแแฒแซ แฅแตแจแแฝ แซแ แแแ แ แตแ แแแณ แ แ แแฃแ แแแแ แ แแ แตแข แ แ แ-แแฅ แแแแต แ แแ แแแชแฑ แจแฐแแ แ แแถแแฝ แจแแแ แฉ แจแแแ แจแฐแแแ แแญแฒ แขแฎแแฝ แฅแแฒแจแแฑ แแฐแจแแ แ แแแฒแซ แฐแแแแแฝ แแญ แจแแฐแญแฐแ แแแจแฅแ แแตแแซแซแต แแ แ แแ แแแ แ แแ แตแข แ แแ แฃแแ แแแณ แ แฅแแแน แจแแญแฒ แ แแซแฎแฝแ แ แฃแแต แ แฅแตแญ แแญ แ แแแแ แตแ แขแฎแแปแธแ แ แฐแแแ แต แแแณ แ แแญแซ แแณแฐแ แฅแ แ แแณแ แฅแป แณแญแแ แจแ แแขแแต แซแแ แแญแณ แ แญแแจแแแ แแตแฐแซแจแ แฅแแณแแ แต แญแณแแแแข
4. แแฐแจแณแ แจแฒแแญแซแฒ แจแฐแแแตแ แจแ แ แแปแปแซแแฝ
แจแ แแฅแ แฅแแแต แแแแแต แแแ แจแดแแญแซแฒ แฐแแแต แจแฐแฝแแ แแป แจแแ แฅแแ แตแแด แแตแจแ แ แแฃแธแแข แฅแ แจแแแ แแแแ แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แฅแแซแ แแญแซ แฆแญแต- แแญแซแ แจแแตแแธแ แ แ แแ แฅแแต แ แแแ ? แจแแแแ แฅแซแ แ แตแแตแแแฃ แ แแแฒแซ แแญแฒแแฝ แแญแแแ แฐแณแตแแฃ แ แแแ แ แ แตแแแแต แแญ แ แฐแแฐแจแฐ แแฐแตแฃ แจแแญ/แจแฆแญแฑ แฅแตแจ แณแบแแ/แแญแซ แฃแขแซ แ แแปแ แแแแฐแ แฅแ แ แฃแแต แฅแแฐแแ แฅแแฒแแแญ แฅแแ แญแแแแข แ แฐแจแแชแ แจแแญแซ แ แ แแแ แ แแแฃ แแตแแแ แฐแแฃแฃแ แแญแแแ แจแแซแจแแแฅ แตแญแแต แแแแ แญ แแฐแจแณแ แแปแปแซ แแฐแจแแ แตแฃ แฅแ แจแแญแฒแแฝ แจแตแแ แแญแ แแฐแฃแฐแฅ แตแแแ แจแ แ แแแฃ แญแแฃแแข
5. แจแแแแตแต แแแ แฎแฝ แแแแฐแแแต แแจแแแฅ
แ แฅแ แฅแแแต แแแแฐแแ แจแแแฒแซ แแแแฐแแแต แจแธแณ แจแธแฅแณ แแแ แญ แแแ แญ แแแญแซ แแณแ แแแข แจแธแฅแณ แแญแแฝ แจแแแฝแ แฐแฅแ แแ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แแฅแถแฝ แฅแแฒแซแจแฅแฉแ แแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แฅแฉแ แจแแ แจแแแณแฐแชแซ แแณ แฅแแฒแแญ แฅแแฒแซแฐแญแ แฅแแ แญแแแแข แแแฝ แซแแตแแต แ แฐแแ แฐแแแณแ แฐแ แตแแปแธแแ แแตแ แต แจแแฝแแ แต แ แตแฐแแแ แแแณ แแแ แญ แญแแฃแแข แ แแแแ แจแแฅแณ แแญแแฝโแจแแจแแจแซ แฐแซแแตแฃ แจแแฐแซแแ แจแญแแ แแแต แฅแแฒแแ แจแฐแ แแแต แฐแแแตแโแฅแแฒแแ แจแแตแ แ แซแแตแ แแแ แฐแจแฃแญ แแแแฐแแแต แจแแซแจแแแฅ แ แ แ แจแแซแตแแตแต แจแแซ แตแแแแต แแแญ แ แแ แตแข แฅแแแ แฐแแแต แแฅแแ แแญแฒ แณแญแแ แแแญแแ แ แ-แแแแตแฑแ แแแแแ แ แแฃแธแแข
6. แจแแฌแต แแแแตแ แแจแแแฅ
แ แแแ แแฝ แแญ แจแแฐแญแฐแ แตแฐแต แแแแ แแแแฐแ แแฒแซแแฝแ แจแแซแแ แ แแแ แ แตแฐแณแฐแซแ แฅแแ แแถแฝแ แแตแแแต แแ แแต แแแ แจแแญแซ แแฐแต แแณแ แแแข แตแแแแ แแแแ แจแ แแญ แแตแฅแ แจแแช/แแแ แ แแ แแฒแซแแฝแ แแญแซ แฃแขแซแแฝแ แแจแแแฝ แฅแฉแ แฐแฐแซแฝแแต แฅแแฒแแซแธแแ แจแแฐแซแจแต แแฐแฅ แฅแแณแซแแฅแแธแ แญแฐแจแ แแแต แญแ แ แแแกแก
7. แจแแแญ แแตแฅแ แ แแ แ แแ แจแแญแซ แณแแขแแฝ แฐแณแตแ
แแแแตแต แแญแซแ แแตแแแค แ แณแณแแ แแ แแแแ แแแจแแแฅ แจแแแญ แ แแแ แแแ แ แแ แณแแขแแฝแ แจแแแฝ แจแฒแแญแซแฒ แฐแแแต แ แแญแซ แแฐแฑ แจแ แตแ แแญแซ แจแ แตแปแญ แแแณแแฝแ แจแแญแซ แแแแฃแ แแแ แต แณแฐแณ แฅแแต แฅแตแจ แตแ แจ-แแญแซ แฉแแถแฝ แญแตแตแแฃ แจแฐแฝแแ แแป แแแ แตแแแณแฐแแธแ แ แแแฝ แแฐแแแแ แแฐแแฃแซแแแฑแ แฐแแขแ แ แตแแแ แแแณแแฝ แแแแณแธแแ แแจแแแฅ แ แแ แตแกแก แแญแซ แฆแญแต แจแแแญ แแตแฅ แณแแขแแฝ แจแแฃแแต แแปแแณแธแแ แแแแฐแแแณแธแ แ แแแฒแซ แแญแฒแแฝ แณแญแจแแแฅ แแแฐแฅ แจแแญแซแแ แฐแฃแแแแตแ แฐแแฃแญแแต แ แซแจแแแฅแแ แฐแแขแ แฅแแแ แแฐแจแ แญแแฃแแกแก
แฅแแแ แฐแตแแแฝ แฃแถ แแแต แฅแแณแญแแแ แจแแตแแ แแญแซ แ แตแปแญ แแแณแแฝ แแแแต แ แ แแชแซ แ แฅแจแต (AU)แฃแ แ แแฎแ แ แฅแจแต (EU) แฅแแฃ แ แฐแฃแ แฉแต แแแแตแณแต (UN) แ แแแ แแแแฐแ แ แแ แ แแ แฐแแแฎแฝ แญแตแตแ แแฐแจแแฃแธแแ แ แแ แแ แจแแญแซแ แฐแณแณแแแฝ – แ แแญแซ แฆแญแต แฃ แจแแแฒแซ แแญแฒแแฝแฃ แจแแญแซ แณแแขแแฝแฃ แแแแ แฅแแแแฃ แจแฒแแญแซแฒ แฐแแแต แแซแจแ แ แตแฐแแแ แแฐแแแแ แตแแแแต แแฐแจแต แ แญแ แแจแแแฅ แญแแฃแแข
แตแแแแ แฅแ แจแแแแซแ แฃแแคแถแฝ แแแแตแตแ แแฅแ แแญแฒ แฅแแแ แ แแฐแจแณแ แ แตแ แแแณแแฝ แฅแแฒแซแแแ แแแแ แแแแฝ แแแ แแตแแ แจแแ แจแแตแตแญ แแ แณแญ แฅแแฒแแฅแฉ แ แตแแ แฅแชแซแฝแแ แฅแแแญแฃแแ แข แฅแแแ แแแณแแฝ แณแญแแ แจแแฐแจแ แแแแแ แแญแซ แจแ แแฅแ แแแแต แจแแแแฝ แญแแ แจแญแตแแ แฒแแญแซแฒ แแณแซ แฅแแฐแแแ แฅแแแแแแข
แฅแ แแฐ แดแแญแซแฒแซแแต แขแตแฎแตแซ แจแแฐแจแแ แแ แ แแต แแญแฒ แฅแปแแ แแญแถ แจแฐแแฐแ แจแฒแแญแซแฒ แฐแแแต แฅแปแธแแ แแแกแต แจแแญแฝแแต แณแแ แฐแแฃแญ แแ แฅแแ แ แ แ แฅแแแแแ แกแก
แตแแแแ แฅแ แจแแ แแแแซ แฃแแคแต แจแฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ แก-
– แ แขแตแฎแตแซ แแตแฅ แแ แแแ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แจแแแฒแซ แแญแฒแแฝแ แจแฒแชแญ แแญแแฝแฃ แจแแฒแซ แฐแแแตแฃโฆแแแฝแแ แฃแแตแญแป แ แซแแต แ แ แแตแแต แฅแแตแแแ แฅแฅแ แ แ แตแธแณแญ แฅแช แฅแแแญแฃแแแกแก
– แ แแแญ แแแ แ แแแ แแแตแฃ แแแแแแตแ แ แแตแแตแฃ แ แ แแฅ แแฐแณแฐแฅแ แแจแณแณแตแฃ แ แฅแฎแแตแ แแ แญ แซแแฐแแแแแแต แ แ แแญแแต แ แแแ แฅแแแ แ แแฐแจแณแ แ แตแ แแแณแแฝ แ แแซ แฅแแ แญแ แแแต แฅแชแซแฝแแ แฅแแแญแฃแแแกแก
– แจ2018 แ.แ. แแญแซ แณแชแซแ แแแฅ แแซแแฃ แจแแฝแแแฃ แแแแชแซ แแแแฃแต แซแแ แตแ แจแดแแญแซแฒ แแฐแจแต แจแแแฃแ แฅแป แแแ แ แ แแตแแต แจแแแแฝแ แฐแแแฎ แแแ แจแแฃแ แ แญแฐแแแ แฅแแฐแฃแ แญ แแแต แฅแชแซแฝแแ แฅแแแญแฃแแแข
– แจแขแตแฎแตแซแฝแ แแณแ แแแซแตแ แ แแญ แแแแแแแฃ แ แ แแซแแ แแ แแ แ แแฆแฝ แแแแซแฝแ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แฅแญแแต แแแฃแณ แ แแแฐแญแแ แตแแ แจแแแฝแ แ แแแ แแแแซแฝแแ แ แแฆแฟ แจแแฐแ แแแณ แฅแแตแตแแ แฅแชแซแฝแแ แฅแแแญแฃแแแกแก
แ แแตแแต แแญแ แแ!! แจแฐแฃแ แจ แตแแ แซแธแแแ!!
แจแฐแแแ แแญแฒแแฝ :-
1) แ แฅแญ แขแตแฎแตแซ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แแญแฒ (แ แฅแญ แขแตแฎแตแซ)
2) แจแแแ แฒแณแ แแแฅ แฒแแญแซแฒแซแ แ แแตแแต แแญแฒ (แแฒแแดแ แ)
3) แฃแแฐแซแต แแฅแแแฐแ แฒแแญแซแฒ แแญแฒ (แฃแแฐแซแต)
4) แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แแแฅ แ แฅแฎแณแ แแญแฒ (แขแ แ แ)
5) แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แถแปแ แฒแแญแซแฒแญ แแญแฒ (แขแถแดแ)
6) แจแขแตแฎแตแซ แแแฒแซ แแญแฒแแฝ แ แแตแแต แแตแจแญ (แแตแจแญ)
7) แจแฆแฎแ แแปแแต แแแฃแญ (แฆแแ)
8 ) แจแฆแฎแ แแดแซแแตแต แฎแแแฌแต (แฆแแฎ)
9) แจแแแญแณ แฅแแซแ แแ แแ (แแฅแ)
10) แแจแ แตแแซแญ แแฒแแญแซแฒแ แแแแแแต (แแจแ แตแแซแญ)
แ แฒแต แ แ แฃแฃ
แ แณแญ 03, 2018 แ.แ.
Why Sadaasa 9 (November 9) holds a place of supreme importance in the history of the Oromo struggle for freedom?
Sadaasa 9 (November 9) holds a place of supreme importance in the modern Oromo struggle for freedom because it marks the beginning of a watershed protest movement that fundamentally transformed the nature of the resistance against the Ethiopian government.
Here is a detailed breakdown of why this date is so significant and is commemorated annually.
1. The Trigger: The “Master Plan” for Addis Ababa
The immediate catalyst was the **2006 Master Plan**, a massive urban expansion scheme by the government that aimed to annex large swathes of Oromia farmland surrounding the capital, Finfinne (Addis Ababa). For the Oromo people, this was not merely a municipal boundary adjustment; it was an **existential threat**. It meant:
* Mass Dispossession: The forced eviction of Oromo farmers from their ancestral land with little to no compensation.
* Cultural Erasure: The further erosion of Oromo identity, sovereignty, and their historical connection to Finfinne.
* Economic Marginalization: The loss of livelihood for millions, turning self-sufficient farmers into a displaced underclass.
The Master Plan was seen as the ultimate symbol of garbummaa (systemic exploitation, subjugation, and denial of Oromo rights) under the Ethiopian state.
2. The Outbreak of the Oromo Protests (Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa – FDG)
In response to this plan, widespread protests erupted spontaneously, primarily led by **Oromo youth (the Qeerroo)**. While discontent had been simmering for decades, **Sadaasa 9, 2015**, marks a pivotal moment when these protests exploded into a coordinated, mass movement.
The protests that began on and around this date were characterized by:
* Mass Mobilization: It was not led by a single political party but was a genuine grassroots uprising involving students, farmers, professionals, and elders across virtually all of Oromia.
* Strategic Non-Violence: Initially, the protests were largely peaceful, involving marches, sit-ins, and the symbolic raising of the Oromo flag.
* A Clear, Unified Message: The protests unified various Oromo grievancesโpolitical marginalization, economic exploitation, cultural suppressionโunder the central demand to cancel the Master Plan and secure Oromo self-rule.
3. The Government’s Brutal Crackdown and Martyrdom
The Ethiopian government’s response was swift and extremely violent. Security forces used live ammunition, mass arrests, torture, and intimidation to crush the protests.
This crackdown had a profound effect:
* Creation of Martyrs: Hundreds, and eventually thousands, of unarmed protesters were killed. Sadaasa 9 became a day to remember these wareegamtoota (martyrs) who gave their lives for the cause.
* International Spotlight: The brutal suppression drew unprecedented international attention from human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, global media, and diplomats, putting the Ethiopian government under intense scrutiny.
* Radicalization of the Movement: The violence convinced many Oromos that peaceful protest was futile, further cementing their resolve and transforming the **Qeerroo** into a formidable, disciplined force for change.
4. A Historic Turning Point
The protests that began on Sadaasa 9, 2015, ignited a fire that could not be extinguished. They:
* Shattered the Climate of Fear: For the first time in a generation, the Oromo public massively and openly defied the state.
* Forged a New Generation of Leaders: The **Qeerroo** movement demonstrated immense organizational skill and strategic patience.
* Laid the Groundwork for Political Change: The sustained pressure from these protests over the next three years critically weakened the ruling party and was the primary force that led to the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the rise of Abiy Ahmed in 2018. The **Master Plan was officially canceled** in January 2016 as a direct result of the protests.
—
Summary: Why Sadaasa 9 is Commemorated
In essence, Sadaasa 9 is commemorated because it marks the birth of the Oromo Protest Movementโa decisive, transformative moment in the struggle.
* It is a Day of Remembrance: To honor the courage and sacrifice of the wareegamtootaa (martyrs) who were killed.
* It is a Day of Resistance: It symbolizes the collective rejection of garbummaa and the reclaiming of Oromo identity and agency.
* It is a Day of Resilience: It celebrates the power of a united people to challenge a repressive state and force historic political concessions.
* It is a Foundational Date for Modern Oromo Nationalism: For the Oromo youth and the diaspora, it represents their “1776” or “Sharpeville”โa defining date where their generation took center stage in the fight for their people’s future.
Therefore, Sadaasa 9 is not just a date on the calendar; it is a powerful symbol of sacrifice, unity, and the unyielding pursuit of freedom in the face of overwhelming odds.
Irreecha: A Celebration of Thanksgiving and National Aspiration
In 2025, the Irreecha festival was celebrated with great warmth and magnificence in Iluu Hagaloo Hora Haleeluut, Waamaa district of the East Wollega Zone, Oromia.
Irreecha is more than a festival; it is a profound cultural cornerstone of the Oromo people, born from the Gadaa system. It strengthens the bond between past and present generations and, crucially, fosters brotherhood and unity among the diverse nations and nationalities of our country.
Irreecha: A symbol of hope, a festival of forgiveness and reconciliation. During Irreecha, the Oromo people gather, holding fresh grass, and journey to the river. They give thanks to Waaqa (God) for guiding them through the harsh winter and into the promising spring. It is a moment to pray for peace, prosperity, unity, and love for our nation and society, showcasing the greatness and virtuous name of the Oromo people to the world.
This grand festival stands as a powerful example for the world. It is a celebration that affirms Oromo identity and culture, strengthens unity and brotherhood, reinforces social bonds, and serves as a collective prayer for national peace and an expression of hope for a bright future.
Therefore, national development must be rooted in more than just knowledge, capability, specialized skills, wealth, and strong military power. It is essential to nurture, develop, and proudly transmit our rich culture, history, language, and national identity from generation to generation, presenting them as a solid foundation to the global community.
We must harness the global recognition of Irreechaโthis festival of peace, love, unity, beauty, mutual respect, and inclusivityโfor the benefit of our national economy. In doing so, we solidify the foundation of our countryโs development.
What problems could Ethiopia’s push for sea access, which it champions as a national cause, create for the region?
This is a well-framed question that gets to the heart of a complex geopolitical issue. Ethiopia’s push for sea access, while driven by its own economic and historical imperatives, has the potential to create significant problems for the Horn of Africa region.
Here is a breakdown of the potential problems, categorized for clarity:
1. Direct Bilateral Tensions and Conflict
The most immediate risk is the escalation of disputes with neighboring countries.
ยท With Eritrea: Any assertion of a “right” to sea access is likely to be interpreted by Eritrea as a direct threat to its hard-won sovereignty and its ports of Assab and Massawa. This could:
ยท Re-ignite the dormant border conflict and military tensions.
ยท Scupper any chance of normalizing relations, keeping the region in a perpetual state of cold war.
ยท With Somalia: Any potential deal for port access or a lease in the Somali region (e.g., Somaliland) that bypasses the fragile Federal Government in Mogadishu would:
ยท Be seen as a violation of Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity.
ยท Severely undermine the federal government’s authority and fuel nationalist sentiment.
ยท Potentially destabilize the delicate political balance within Somalia, empowering extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, who could use it as a rallying cry.
2. Regional Destabilization and Shifting Alliances
Ethiopia’s actions could force a realignment of regional alliances, creating new fault lines.
ยท The Somaliland Precedent: A formal deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland would be a seismic event. It would:
ยท Effectively recognize Somaliland’s independence, shattering the African Union’s long-standing principle of upholding colonial-era borders (uti possidetis).
ยท Inflame secessionist tensions across the entire continent, setting a dangerous precedent.
ยท Force other regional powers (Egypt, UAE, Turkey) to take sides, potentially creating a proxy conflict.
ยท Red Sea Militarization: The Red Sea is already a strategic chokehold with heavy international naval presence. A desperate or assertive Ethiopian push could lead to:
ยท An arms build-up along coastlines as neighboring countries seek to secure their assets.
ยท Increased interest and intervention from non-African powers (e.g., Iran, Turkey, Gulf States) seeking to leverage the dispute for their own strategic advantage.
3. Economic and Trade Disruptions
The Horn of Africa is a critical node for global trade.
ยท Port Politics and Leverage: Neighboring countries like Djibouti (which hosts a major Ethiopian military base and handles ~95% of its trade) could use Ethiopia’s desperation as leverage.
ยท They could raise port fees or restrict access during diplomatic spats, holding the Ethiopian economy hostage.
ยท Disruption of Critical Sea Lanes: Any significant military conflict or sustained political instability in the region risks disrupting traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb strait, a vital passage for global shipping and energy supplies. This would have immediate international economic consequences.
4. Undermining Regional Diplomacy and Norms
Ethiopia’s approach challenges foundational principles of regional cooperation.
ยท Erosion of IGAD and AU Authority: By pursuing a unilateral, assertive path, Ethiopia undermines the regional bodies (IGAD, African Union) that are meant to mediate such disputes. It signals that might-makes-right is preferable to diplomatic negotiation.
ยท Breakdown of Trust: For decades, regional cooperation has been built on fragile trust. A forceful Ethiopian campaign to secure a port would shatter that trust, making future collaboration on shared challenges (climate change, terrorism, water management) extremely difficult.
Conclusion
In summary, Ethiopia’s championing of sea access as a national cause is not just a bilateral trade issue; it is a potential regional catalyst. It threatens to:
ยท Re-open old wounds with Eritrea.
ยท Dismember a sovereign state in Somalia.
ยท Shatter a foundational continental norm on border integrity.
ยท Trigger a new round of arms races and proxy conflicts in the strategically vital Horn of Africa.
While Ethiopia’s economic arguments have merit, the manner in which it pursues this goal will determine whether it becomes a driver of development or a source of profound and lasting regional instability.
World Tourism Day Celebrated in Bunno Beddelle with Focus on Sustainable Change
Bunno Beddelle, Ethiopia โ World Tourism Day was observed at the district level in Makkoo district, under the global theme “Tourism and Sustainable Change.”
The event highlighted the region’s significant potential for tourism-driven economic growth.
Makkoo District Governor, Tamasgeen Ayyaanaa, emphasized that the district is endowed with numerous tourism resources that can serve as a vital source of income for the community.
Echoing this commitment, the Head of the Buno Beddellee District Culture and Tourism Office, Mrs. Tigist Andaargee, outlined ongoing efforts to develop the area’s natural and cultural attractions.
“As a district, we are working to systematically develop our natural and cultural tourism resources and make them a cornerstone of our local economy,” she stated.
Adding to this, the Deputy Governor of the District, Mr. Xilaahun Lammaa, underscored the administration’s dedication to preservation.
Mr. Xilaahun confirmed that the district will prioritize conserving its natural resources and actively promoting the unique cultural traditions of its people.
Sirna Gadaa Oromoo: Walargii fi Maaliif Murteessaa Dha?
Wal-argii hanga Nyaachisaatti Jila Gaammee Gurguddaa Ardaa Gaayootti
Finfinnee, Hagayya 20, 2017 (FMC) – Sirna Gadaa Oromoo, bu’uura aadaa, dudhaafi bulchiinsa uummata Oromoo keessatti ilmi Oromoo kamuu sadarkaalee guddinaa keessa darbu qaba.
Gadaan adeemsaa dheeraa keessa dhaloota horataa, guddisaa, gurmeessee, ijaaree gahoomsa.
Akkaataa sirna Gadaatti, keessumaa Gadaa Booranaa keessatti namni fuulduraaf Abbaa Gadaa ta’ee filatamu kan adda ba’u sadarkaalee guddinaa keessaa tokko kan ta’e sadarkaa Gaammee Gurguddaa irraa gara Kuusaa ceโuu lallabama.
Ijoolleen sadarkaa Gaammee gurguddaa keessa jiran, kan gogeessa tokkoo, utuu gara Kuusaatti hin ce’in bakka jiran hundarraa walitti dhufanii wal argu. Sirni Gaammeewwan gurguddoon kallattii adda addaatti dhufani itti walbaran kun Walargii jedhama.
Biiroo Aadaa fi Tuurizimii Oromiyaatti dursaan garee sona aadaa Bonayaa Diidoo Faanaa Dijiitaalitti akka himanitti, ijoolleen Booranaa umurii kana keessa jiran biyya Keeniyaa irraa utuu hin hafin deggersa abbootii isaaniin bakka Gumii Gaayyootti walitti dhufanii walargu.
Kaayyoon wal argii kanaa ijoolleen gaammee gurguddoo gogeessa tokko taโan ardaa kanatti dhufanii wal barachuu, wal arguufi wal beekuudha. Kaayyoon biraa seera, aadaa, safuu uummataa kabajuufi tokkummaa gogeessa isaanii cimsuudha
Walargiin waggaa saddeet keessatti yeroo tokko kan raawwatamuu dha.
Sirna guyyoota sadii hanga afuriitti turu kana irratti hirmaachuuf Gaammeewwan yeroo imala eegalan irraa kaasee bakka ga’anitti qubachaa uummannis qalee nyaachisaa, godina Booranaa aanaa Dhaas, bakka ardaa Gaayoo jedhamu hanga ga’anitti akkaataa kanaan imala itti fufu.
Gumii Gaayoottis Abbootiin Gadaa fi Abbootiin Lubaa ijoollee kana goggeessa tokko keessa jiraachuu isaanii adda baasuun walbarsiisu. Wal argiin kun qaโee abbootii isaanii Abbaa Gadaa duraanii Guyyoo Gobbaatti wal geettee sangaa qalattee eebbifatti.
Sirni walargii kun sagantaa guddaa kan Abbaan Gadaa gara fuula duraa keessatti madaalamu sirna , ”Nyaachisa” jedhamee kan beekamuuf boqonnaa jalqabaati.
Sirni Nyaachisaa walbaruun booda ji’oota gara kudhanii booda kan raawwatamuu dha.
sirna nyaachisaa keessatti gara ji’oota shaniif Gaammeewwan utuu manatti hingalin diida turu, leenjii aadaa, duudhaafi safuu ummataa barataa lenji’aa turu.
Yeroo leenjii kana fooniifi dhiiga horiin alatti waan biraa hin nyaatan, manatti hingalan, qaama hin dhiqatan. Uffata hin dhiqatan, kophee faanaa hin keeyyatan, Qormaatilee jireenyaa shaakalaa turu.
Akkaataa ayyaana kaalandara aadaatiin yeroon nyaachisaa yemmuu ga’u, Gaammeewwan walbaranii turan sirna Guddaa kana irratti, Abbootii Gadaa, Luboota fi jaarrolee waliin deebi’anii walga’u.
Qalanii nyaatu, ni eebbifamu. Sirnicha Guddaa kan jechisiisu garuu nyaachuu fi dhuguun alatti qormaataafi leenjiin guddaan bakka itti kennamu ta’uu isaa ti.
Gaammeewwan leenjii fudhataa turan waldorgomu, ni madaalamu, ciminni qaamaa fi hubannaan bulchiinsa Gadaaf qaban ni qorama, dandeettii dubbii isaaniis ni ilaalama.
Gaammeewwan achitti walga’an keessaa kan qormaatilee kanaan hunda caalaa milkaa’etu gama gogeessaafi uummata balโaatiin Hayyoota Adulaa fuula duraaf filamee, eebbifamee gosa biratti beekama. Gaafa umuriin isaa guutus Gadaa ta’ee baallii fudhatu.
Tibbanas Godina Booranaa Bahaa Aanaa Dhaasitti Gammeewwan guguddaan Booranaa Gaayootti walagii irra jiru.
Adoolessa 2018 keessa ammoo sirna Nyaachisaatu geggeeffama.
Kuluulaa Garbichaa fi Yoonaataan Birhaanuun.
Commemorating the 20th Anniversary of the FDG Revolution
On November 9, 2005, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) called upon the Oromo people to embark on a historic, peaceful struggleโthe FDG Revolution. This call was answered with immense courage and profound organization by the Oromo youth, students, and farmers, who rose in unified resistance.
In this struggle, our Oromo heroes made the ultimate sacrifice, giving their irreplaceable lives for their nation. Their valor served to strengthen the foundation of the OLF-led liberation movement within the country and ensure its enduring presence among the people.
The enduring legacy of the FDG is its dual mission: to dismantle the forces of dictatorship and to lay the foundation for an Oromo people standing at the threshold of freedom. As we mark this 20th anniversary, we honor their sacrifice and reaffirm our commitment to the cause for which they so bravely fought.
The ‘Without Me’ Mentality and Ethiopia’s Crisis
Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
===============================
The core argument, as articulated by Sena Jimjimo, founder of OLLAA, is that a lack of internal consensus and a toxic culture of “without me” thinking within Oromo political factions pose a significant danger to Ethiopia.
She contends that this mindset has led to a situation where:
Truth is Sacrificed for Unity: Oromo fighters avoid difficult truths with each other to maintain a superficial unity.
Individual Ambition Over Collective Good: The belief that liberation can only be achieved through a specific leader or group (“without me”) has been destructive.
Resulting Instability: This failure to build a unified, truth-based movement has ultimately made Ethiopia unsafe.
Counter-Response
While Sena Jimjimo raises valid concerns about the dangers of political fragmentation and individual ambition, her analysis risks misdiagnosing the core problem by focusing on a single group.
A more comprehensive perspective would argue that Ethiopia’s instability stems from a systemic failure to build a genuinely inclusive, multi-ethnic state, not from the internal dynamics of one community.
Here is a counter-response:
Subject: Re: Examining the Broader Causes of Instability in Ethiopia
The challenges facing Ethiopia are complex and cannot be attributed to the internal politics of any single group. While introspection within all political movements is necessary, framing the “Oromo” or “Oromo fighters” as the primary danger is a reductive and counterproductive narrative.
The true source of Ethiopia’s instability is the decades-long, systemic failure to establish a political framework where all ethnic groups feel they have a secure and equitable stake in the nation’s future. The “without me” mentality is not an Oromo-specific issue; it is a symptom of a zero-sum political culture that has been fostered by successive central governments. When communities are historically marginalized and their demands for self-determination are met with violence or empty promises, it inevitably breeds factionalism and a desperate struggle for agency.
Furthermore, the call for “unity” must be critically examined. Too often, calls for national unity have been a pretext for suppressing legitimate grievances and enforcing assimilation. The courage to tell “the truth” that Ms. Jimjimo calls for must apply equally to all sidesโincluding acknowledging the historical injustices that have fueled the very divisions she laments.
Therefore, the path to a safe and stable Ethiopia does not lie in singling out one group, but in addressing the foundational issues: building robust institutions that guarantee justice and equality for all, fostering a culture of genuine political compromise, and creating a shared national identity that respects and celebrates Ethiopia’s rich diversity. The solution requires a collective responsibility from all of Ethiopia’s national political forces, not a critique of one.
OLF Prepares for 7th Round Elections: Key Strategies Revealed
FINFINNE โ The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is finalizing its preparations for the upcoming 7th round of national elections and is collaborating with the National Election Board to meet all requirements, according to a statement from the party.
The announcement was made by OLF Member Secretary-General Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa during a meeting at the party’s headquarters in Gullalle. He outlined the party’s strategic direction, emphasizing member duties, organizational growth, and the current political landscape.
On Party Building and Member Duties
Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa stressed that every member has a fundamental duty to recruit and mentor new members, beyond their assigned roles. “If the organization is not built, it cannot grow,” he stated, challenging each member to personally recruit at least ten individuals to strengthen the party’s structure.
He connected personal experience to collective success, noting that individuals bring diverse characteristics to the struggle. “From individual to group or union, there are those who take responsibility in the OLF struggle and bring results,” he said.
On Political Vigilance and Internal Security
The Secretary-General issued a stern warning against internal division and espionage. He urged members to report any individuals suspected of spying on the party for the government.
He also condemned members who work in multiple places or factions, describing such behavior as self-destructive. “The Irbuu (oath) is devouring,” he said, warning that those who take an oath of allegiance cannot stand in “two or three places.” He urged introspection, asking members to question their contribution to the collective cause.
On the National Political Context
Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa addressed the ongoing conflict in northern Ethiopia, expressing the participants’ concern that the war could expand into Oromia. He asserted that the OLF would not allow “Northerners to take over the country again,” and would not be a passive observer if any forces attempted to enter Oromia.
Regarding international influence, he pointed out that no one in Africa comes to power without the will of Western governments. However, he added that the OLF does not believe Western governments are currently willing to empower either Tigray or Amhara factions at the expense of Oromia.
He concluded by reaffirming the party’s position: “The OLF is in a good position, and we must fulfill our duty by turning our existence into action. The struggle is to give priority to the people first of all and to work for the interest of the people rather than personal interest.”
The meeting concluded with participants affirming that an “awakened nation is built and the built is united,” underscoring the theme of unity and mobilization.
Irreechaa Festival: Celebrating Oromo Culture in Melbourne
(Oromedia, 29 September 2025) Irreechaa celebrations in Melbourne have become a notable expression of Oromo culture, bringing the local Oromo diaspora together to honor traditional values and strengthen communal bonds.
The festival typically features blessings by elders, cultural performances, music, dancing, and communal meals, all designed to replicate the spiritual essence of Irreechaa as celebrated in Oromia.
Festival Highlights in Melbourne
– The celebration is usually held at riversides or parksโoften at the iconic Wilson Botanical Gardenโto maintain the symbolic tradition of giving thanks to Waaqa (God) by water.
– Community leaders and elders lead the prayers and blessings, paying homage to nature and ancestral wisdom.
– Attendees wear traditional Oromo clothing, display cultural ornaments, and use symbolic colors such as black, red, and white.
– Music, and dances (including Siiqqee and Gumii) are performed to educate and entertain both the Oromo community and local Australians.
Purpose and Impact
– The event fosters Oromo cultural identity and unity among diaspora members.
– It serves as a platform for educating younger generations about heritage and traditions, helping them maintain a connection to their roots.
– Many celebrations invite local government officials, multicultural organizations, and curious residents, encouraging mutual respect and intercultural exchange.
Growth and Community Engagement
– Participation has steadily grown, with increased efforts by local Oromo associations to expand outreach and inclusivity.
– Social media and diaspora networks play a crucial role in organizing, publicizing, and preserving the festival’s traditions, even reaching Oromo youth who may be distant from their homeland.
Irreechaa in Melbourne embodies both cultural pride and adaptation, allowing the Oromo community to sustain meaningful traditions while building bridges with the wider Australian society.
Participants took memorable photos with family, friends and each other and shared them on social media.
All those who participated in this celebration filled with love and respect are saying that they remember it with joy.
Irreechaa is a festival of wisdom that Oromo have contributed to the world community, which promotes gratitude, peace, reconciliation, hope, life, social harmony, connection, mutual assistance, sharing, harmony and morality.
Oromedia 